अमर शहीद अशफ़ाक़उल्ला ख़ाँ: व्यक्तित्व और कृतित्व (काकोरी के अमर शहीद का जीवन व रचनाएँ)

( 43 )
amply prove its impossibility and dangerousness. If the hostility
against the British Imperialism is made a religious issue, the
hostility thus aroused can at any moment turn into antagonism
among the two great Indian Communities as they do not profess
the same religion. It is precisely what has happened now. The
propaganda on religious lines could perhaps be safely and success-
fully carried on, if India were inhabited by people of the same
religion. India embodies in its vast dimensions people of different
creeds and races. It is under the yoke of the most advanced capi-
10 talist system, which holds India not to please God in heaven, but to
make huge profits by exploiting the labour of starving millions in
India and other countries.”
“The Indian Mussalmans should take lesson from the decision
of the Grand National Assembly of Angora which declared the
separation of the Khilafat from the Sultanate, i. e., separation of
religion from politics. No protests from the Ulema of India
will induce the progressive elements of the Turkish nation to dis-
charge their decision. Turkey has entered a new era of progress O. P. 67
by separating religion and politics. The example of Nationalist
20 Turkey should help the Indian Moslems to decide in which direc-
tion their politics should go. Let them liberate themselves from
the yoke of the British, before they think of liberating other Mus-
salmans of the world. This cannot be done until and unless they
unite heart and soul with their countrymen Hindus and other
communities of India.”
The author proceeds to urge that the religious character of
the movement should be replaced by one of a predominating poli-
tical character. He asked how the union of Hindus and Muham-
medans is to be brought about, and remarks that so long as the
30 political movement in India is conducted partially or wholly on reli-
gious lines, unity will not be realised. He proceeds, “ Have the
Hindus and Mussalman masses nothing in common in India? Are
both of them not suffering equally under the ruthless exploitation
of the foreign bureaucracy? Are they not economically ruined by
the foreign and Indian capitalists and landlords? The union can
only be realised when they are told of their common grievances so
that they should be conscious of their common miserable plight.
It may be difficult for bourgeois political philosophy to find a com-
mon ground to stand upon. The masses—the common workers and
40 peasants—are, however, as a matter of fact already united by vir-
tue of their common economic interests, only the consciousness of
this union is interfered with by large doses of conflicting religious
dogmas administered by interested parties.”
“The problem of national freedom cannot be solved unless a
new programme is adopted and new tactics employed. The battle
of national freedom is to be fought by the masses, so let it be
fought for their interests. Let us take a lesson from the failure of

( 44 )
O. P. 68. the gigantic movement of Non-co-operation. The Indian masses were
in a fighting mood because they believed that the coming Swaraj
will make an end to their misery and starvation. It is true
that their enthusiasm was not aroused by any economic programme
but they instinctively looked forward for a better economic
condition. This belief of theirs was strengthened when the
slogan of non-payment of taxes was brought forward. Let us not
repeat the past mistake. Let us have a more clear outlook than
hitherto possessed by our leaders. When in future we call for non-
payment of taxes, let us really mean it. The masses this time 10
will be ready to fight more vigorously and more consciously.
Our work is to agitate and organise the masses on economic pro-
gramme and finally lead them to a general strike or you may
call it civil disobedience. "
" We want to impress upon our countrymen with all the
earnestness we are capable of to begin with a new phase of
the movement with an economic programme reflecting the im-
mediate demands of the workers and peasants—the proletarians
of the country and commence a struggle subordinating all re-
ligious and communal questions to the great politico-economic 20
one. The ideal before young India should be neither going to the
golden age of the Vedas, nor saving of the empire of the Khalifa,
but to free the Indian people from the political and economic serf-
dom. The National workers should speak to the Indian masses in
terms of their daily needs—land, bread, housing, clothing, etc, only."
52. Several of the other papers found in Ashfaqullah's box
are important. Ex. P. A-3 is a translation of a
[Side note: Other papers found in Ashfaqullah's box.] letter written to his mother. In this he in-
forms her that he is still in India. ' The time
has not yet come, and I got no opportunity. 30
O. P. 69: Plans are being made'. This clearly implies that he was trying to
leave India. He refers to the attachment of the family property
which had followed his disappearance and asks his mother to sign
and post a letter which he is sending her. This is apparently one
of the letters of which Exh. P. A 10 or P. A 11 are translations. Both
these letters are addressed to the Home Member, United Provin-
ces, in the same strain, and purport to have been written by Ash-
faqullah's mother. He wanted her to send one of these letters
to the press. They deal mainly with the attachment of the family
property. 40
Ex. P. A 5 is a translation of a letter addressed to Maulana
Abdul Majid. It begins by saying that the writer was wandering
from place to place from the 26th September 1925. It asks the ad-
dressee to assist the writer to leave India. Two methods are
suggested; first of all that a passport might be obtained for him
under an assumed name from the Amir with the help of some
influential man of Delhi; secondly that financial assistance might

( 45 )
be obtained from Mohammed, Ali, Doctor Ansari, Hakim Ajmal,
Khan, Maulana Mazharuddin, or 'some other reliable persons.' 'If
I get sufficient money I can escape.' The writer also suggests that
it might be possible for the addressee to get him some employ-
ment as a ship's clerk through some Seth of Bombay. 'I shall get
down in Germany. The traders of Bombay can carry me on their
ship and if I am not recognised by them I shall escape.'
Ex. P. A 6 is addressed to Maulana Abdul Qadir who is a re-
tired Deputy Collector and related to the accused. We have seen
10 how his gun was found at the accused's house. This is couched in
the same strain; the writer is wandering about and is in great need
of money. 'Perhaps I might be able to secure passport through
some assumed name. My life is in danger. Help me............Are
there any means by which I may enter Hyderabad under some O. P. 70.
fictitious name and lead an anonymous life there?' This letter
also suggests that the writer has a claim on the addressee because
of the training the latter had given him and the promises he had
exacted from him, a reference apparently to the influences under
which he had taken part in the non-co-operation movement.
20 Ex. P. A 8 is a translation of a letter addressed by Ashfaqullah
to his sister. It begins 'Accept compliments from one of your se-
parated brothers, whom his relatives call a dacoit, a murderer and
everything.' The writer then proceeds to say that he had hoped
to see her and his brother at Bhopal. He wanted clothes for the
winter and asked her to provide some if she could.
Ex. P. A 9 is a translation of some verses written in Urdu
addressed to 'Bedar' apparently Bhagwati Sahai Bedar M.L.C. who,
as I have already mentioned, was known to some of the conspira-
tors at Shahjahanpur. The translation reads:—
30 'For God's sake some one may carry my message to Bedar.
Why are you so hankering after membership? It was only your
co-operation that sent so many persons to jail; still you consider
yourself to be so great a leader that you are dying for your emi-
nence. We do not entertain any hopes from you, neither do we
trust you; why are the leaders of Swaraj and Congress ruining us.?'
O God, let us see the days when the republic is in full-
40 swing.' In his statement to the Court Ashfaqullah pointed out
that the word which has been translated 'Republic' would be more
correctly translated 'Communism'. The prosecution agreed. This
alters somewhat the significance of the verses but also suggests
that the writer was more interested in the Communist Manifesto
found in his possession (vide para 51) than he admits. I have
already shown that the preaching of communist principles was one
of the main items in the revolutionary programme. O. P. 71.

( 46 )
53. Ashfaqullah appears to have arrived at Delhi about a
fortnight before he was arrested there. The
[Stay at Royal Hotel,] evidence of Sukhdarshan Singh (P. W. 124),
[Delhi, in name of Murari] manager of the Royal Hotel, Delhi, shows
[Mohan.] that Ashfaqullah arrived there on the 25th
August, giving the name of Murari Mohan, and himself wrote
particulars in the hotel book, (Ex. P. A 22,) with his own fountain
pen. A fountain pen was found in his box when he was arrested
(vide Ex. P. A 33) and futher corroboration of the manager's
evidence is furnished by Ex. P. A 34 found at the same time. 10
This is a slip of paper on which is written the name 'Murari
Mohan', and the address which he entered in the hotel book. This
suggests that he was in the habit of changing his name and kept
notes about the names under which he had passed.
54. Banarsi Lal informs us that he and Ashfaqullah were
intimate friends and that this is true is proved
[Association of Ashfaqullah and Banarsi Lal.] by the correspondence between the two found
in Banarsi Lal's house. There was also found
a photograph of the two with Ashfaqullah's arm round Banarsi's
neck, which Banarsi Lal says was taken in 1922 by Ram 20
Prasad (Ex. P. 28). Ex. P. 14 is an undated letter in Urdu to
Banarsi Lal; (Ex. P. 15) is a post card in Hindi to Banarsi, dated
11th December 1923, and Ex. P-16 is a post card in Urdu, dated
17th May 1922 to Banarsi. All of these purport to have been sent
by 'Warsi' which according to Banarsi Lal was the name by which
Ashfaqullah used to sign his letters.
Of these exhibits Ex. P. 14 and P. 15 are important as they
show not only Ashfaqullah's friendship with Banarsi Lal but also
[O. P. 72.] his mentality some time prior to the establishment of the revoluti-
nary society at Shahjahanpur. The correspondence also refers to 30
Ram Prasad and 'brother Raushan', the latter clearly being Rau-
shan Singh accused in the main case, both because Banarsi Lal
says so and because Ex. P. 15 refers to him as having been released
from Jail. In Ex. P 14 Ashfaqullah confides in Banarsi Lal in the
following words :—
"You know very well about my circumstances, and you have
a better idea of my finance, ideas and feelings than any other
friend of mine does, and this is well known to you that I have not
a single shell with me to do any business. Service means killing of
my conscience. You must remember very well that I want to live
free and I worship 'freedom' and I am ready to sacrifice my life
even for a glimpse thereof'. After remarking that he could if he
wished obtain an appointment in the Bhopal State (where his
brother Munnu Khan is employed) he says that "then all my
schemes would be upset". He puts forward another proposal for
which he invites Banarsi's assistance. It is that they should take
up farming, he obtaining land from his mother and Banarsi

( 47 )
providing the capital; " we will live among our brethren culti-
vators, and will carry on our scheme as well and shall have
sufficient money within a few years. Then we would increase our
propaganda on a grand scale and would invite our companions
to join us."
55. Excluding the evidence of the dacoities, the case against
Summary of case against Ashfaqullah is mainly based on the evidence
Ashfaqullah. of the approvers and of Jagdish Chandar, on
the fact that he absconded on the 26th
10 September, 1925 and remained at large despite the attachment
of his property, on his assumption of false names; while he
was absconding, on the letters which he addressed to his
friend Banarsi Lal at the end of 1923 or beginning of
1924 (Ex. P 14 and 15), showing amongst other things his acquain- O. P. 73.
tance with Ram Prasad and Raushan Singh, and on the letters
and papers which were found in his possession at the time of his
arrest. Ex. P 14 is interesting as showing that even at that time
Ashfaqullah was in favour of propaganda among the peasantry.
The freedom of India', he writes, 'depends only on the culti-
20 vators' The manifesto of the Communist Party found in his box
when he was arrested is couched in much the same style. 'The
battle of national freedom' it says, 'is to be fought by the masses.'
That he realised the seriousness of the case against him is shown
by the various methods he suggests for escaping from India and
by the language used by him in his letters to his relatives. To
Abdul Qadir he writes 'My life is in danger'. To his sister he
writes 'Accept compliments from one of your separated brothers
whom his relatives call a dacoit, a murderer and everything.' His
verses to 'Bedar' show that he has no sympathy with the Swaraj
30 party and the concluding line praying for the advent of communism
betrays the influence of Ram Prasad and the authors of the
communistic pamphlets referred to above. His connection with
Ram Prasad is shown by the evidence of the approvers and of
Jagdish Chandar; and by the evidence of Ram Charan (P. W. 62)
Gauri Shankar (P. W. 61) and Inspector B. Parbhu Dayal Singh
(P. W. 64). The slip of paper in Hindi (Ex. P. 259) found with
Ram Prasad has on it (with other names) the name of 'Ashfaq'.
Banarsi Lal has explained that the numbers on this slip of paper
against each name refer to the number of copies of a magazine
40 called 'Parnavir' issued by Ram Prasad to each person named. A
copy of this magazine was found in the house of Kunwar Bahadur
(Ex. P. 66). It is a registered monthly magazine, published at
Nagpur. It deals with political subjects and personalities. The O. P. 74.
copy found with Kunwar Bahadur is for August, 1924 and a 'Tilak'
number.
There are a few more points to be taken into consideration in
connection with the case of Ashfaqullah. Indu Bhushan states that
he went to Ashfaqullah's house on the afternoon of the 26th

( 48 )
September, 1925, because Ashfaqullah had sent for him through
one Khalil. It transpired during the defence evidence that Khalil
is the son of Ashfaqullah's elder brother, Safiullah Khan, (D. W.
21). It is argued by the prosecution that until this admission was
made it was not known who Khalil was and that the mention of
his name by Indu Bhushan shows therefore that Indu Bhushan's
statement could not have been put into his mouth by the police.
It is also argued that Ashfaqullah would not have sent for Indu
Bhushan if he had not known that Indu Bhushan was Ram Prasad's
'post box'. Indu Bhushan says that he found Ashiq (a defence 10
witness) at Ashfaqullah's house. After Ashiq's departure they
talked about the arrests, Ashfaqullah telling him that he had
been warned by a police constable and so had escaped arrest.
Indu Bhushan's story about this is corroborated by a statement of
Ashfaqullah himself in Ex. P. A. 10, one of the letters addressed to
the Home Member which he wanted his mother to send to the
Press. This statement is as follows:—'When he (i. e. Ashfaqullah)
was going, he said that a respectable police officer who was his
friend, had informed him that arrests would be made the following
day and that he should be on his guard, and so he was going 20
away'. Before his arrest at Delhi Ashfaqullah was clearly waiting
for a friend to come and take his letters. Several of the letters
refer to 'the bearer' who will give the addressee further informa-
[O. P. 75.] tion on certain points. Who this friend was has not transpired but
one friend whom Ashfaqullah had been expecting was clearly the
'Ashiq' referred to above. The letter Ex. P. A. 4 found in his
possession and addressed to 'Arfi' reproaches the latter for not
coming before and begs him to come soon. Ashiq Ali (D. W. 20)
admits that he was known by this name. The sentence in the
letter 'I had no explosive substance with me for fear of which you 30
did not come to me' is possibly significant. Ashfaqullah's appeal
in some of the other letters for pecuniary help is explained by the
fact that at the time of his arrest only two annas three pies were
found on him. Lastly there are references to 'Rama' in the letter
to his brother Riyasatullah alias Lallu (Ex. P. A. 3) and in the
letter to Abdul Qadir (Ex. P. A. 6). In the former he says 'You
should come after seeing Rama's father'; in the latter 'you must
be knowing about Rama that he is in the cells of jail'. The natural
inference is that he was referring in both cases to Ram Prasad and
that he was well acquainted with him. 40
56. Inspector Sardar Sundar Singh of the United Provinces
[Search for S. N. Bakshi] C. I. D. (P. W. 95) states that he went to
[and discovery of his] Jhansi in November, 1925, in search of
[trunk at Jhansi.] S. N. Bakhsi and Mukandi Lal. Search had
been made for Bakshi at Benares on the 26th September but with-
out result: The Inspector could not find either Bakshi or Mukandi
Lal at Jhansi. His inquiries showed that Bakshi had been on
friendly terms with one Rudra Narain Singh and he therefore
searched Rudra Narain Singh's house. A letter was found in the

house (Ex. P. 302) addressed to Rudra Narain Singh and
signed S. N. Bakshi. It is dated 8th May 1925. In
this letter the writer said that he had left Jhansi
somewhat hurriedly and had been very busy on an
extensive tour all over the United Provinces. He expected to O. P. 76.
return to Jhansi shortly. There was also found in the house a
trunk (Ex. LVIII) which has been identified by one Chotey Lal
'(P. W. 97) as belonging to Bakhshi. Chotey Lal had let a house on
rent to Bakhshi who had given his name as Satish Chandar Bagchi.
10 When Bakshi left the house it remained unoccupied for some time.
After some months Chotey Lal asked Rudra Narain, who had taken
the house for Bakshi, to vacate it. Rudra Narain did so and Chotey
Lal took a receipt from him for the things which he had removed
from the house. In the third line of this receipt Rudra Narain
began to write some words, and then, after referring to the kiraya-
nama or lease on which the house had been taken, he partially
erased them and wrote the name 'Satish Chandar Bagchi.' Look-
ing through a microscope one can see that the words partially
erased begin 'Sachi.' I have little doubt that Rudra Narain wrote
20 'Sachindra Nath Bakshi' first of all and then it occurred to him that
Bakshi had been passing under the other name. In any case it is
clearly proved that it was Bakshi who had occupied the house and
who owned the trunk.
57. The contents of this trunk are numerous and important.
Contents of trunk. The following is a brief list of the more im-
portant papers found in it :—
Ex. P 286 is a manuscript draft entitled 'Advance State.' This
appears to be an essay on the duties of rulers and was apparently
intended for Indian States.
30 Ex. P 287 contains quotations from the speeches or writings of
Messrs C. R. Das, Bepin Chandra Pal and T. C. Goswami on revo-
lutionary movements. It also contains a quotation from 'Rus ka
kharyantra' advocating the establishment of secret societies in
Russia to destroy the Russian Government.
Ex. P 288 is a paper containing writings, also apparently in O. P. 77.
Bakshi's writing. One paragraph mentions that the revolutionary
pamphlets 'which were circulated in Cawnpore, Allahabad and other
places and have been proscribed by the Government, have at last
been circulated in Jhansi'. 'Numbers were found pasted on trees,
40 local High School buildings and even on the main gate of the Kot-
wali. The police is very eager to search of the culprits.'
Ex. P 289 is a translation of a notice in Hindi appealing for funds
for an athletic association in Jhansi in the name of Bakshi and
Rudra Narain Singh.
Ex. P 290 consists of two pieces of paper on which are writ-
ten the names Jogesh, Suresh, Biswas and Rudra. It can hardly

( 50 )
be a coincidence that the first three are names of Bakshi's alleged
associates : Rudra might of course refer to Rudra Narain Singh
but we have seen that 'Rudra' was also one of the 'society' names
of Ram Prasad.
58. Ex. P 281 is a four page printed pamphlet entitled 'An
[Margin: 'An appeal to the Nationalists.'] appeal to the Nationalists.' It is not dated
but appears to have been written shortly
before the Belgaum Congress meeting at the
end of 1924. The current of thought running through it is very
similar to that in the Manifesto of the Communist party found with
Ashfaqullah. It laments 'the atmosphere of depression and de-
composition' in which the Congress is about to meet at Bel-
gaum, advocates the divorce of religion from politics, attacks
the Swarajist party for entering the Councils and for their
tactics there, attempts to justify revolution, and declares that
the forces which 'make for militant Nationalism, having for
object not a mere administrative adjustment, but the introduc-
tion of a new historical epoch through a great 'socio-political
[Margin: O. P. 78,] convulsion' are the rebellious masses 'which in the aftermath
of the war asserted themselves so over-whelmingly upon the
political situation that the Congress was forced to break away from
its traditional non-revolutionary moorings'. The following extracts
will show the tenor and tone of the pamphlet and may be com-
pared with the extracts quoted from the Communist Manifesto
(Ex. P. A. 35) written probably some time later.
'In India, as in every other country, Nationalism is a revolu-
tionary force; it must therefore pursue a revolutionary course.'
'A recapitulation of the trend of the principal events of the
past twelve months will show that the mythical goddess of Unity,
whom the Belgaum Congress will enshrine, signifies only a great
political reaction'. 'Hindu Moslem Unity which was made a
corner stone of the Non-co-operation Movement........has been
revealed to have been a superficial makeshift. The disastrous
effects of hinging a great political movement of an essentially
revolutionary character, on religious fanaticism and extra-
territorial patriotism are manifest to-day in the communal riots
which spread all over the country despite the frantic efforts of the
leaders to check them.'
'Some of the best elements of the Nationalist ranks are locked
up in jail by a despotic ukase, without provoking any determined
resistance on the part of the Congress. This speaks for the
character of the leadership and the lamentable impotency into
which the Nationalist movement has sunk, in consequence of its
non-revolutionary orientation and reformist policy.'
'Revolution is not an unconstitutional affair. In fact practically
all the modern constitutional states owe their origin to some sort
'of a revolution. India has no constitutional Government. When

( 51 )
one talks of constitution in India, one has in view the British cons- O. P. 7
titution.'
'The goal of Nationalism can never be realised in the way
indicated by those who, in unison with the British Government, are
positively hostile to Revolution. The struggle for freedom of a
subject people can never be separated from revolution. Freedom
will never come as a gift from those who deprived us of it. The
people of India must conquer freedom.'
'The lesson of that period (between Amritsar and Belgaum)
10 is: 1. the Nationalist Movement can become really powerful only
when it is based upon the direct action of the revolutionary
masses: and 2 divorced from the mass energy, the Nationalist
Movement is bound to sink into depression and decomposition.'
'The causes that created the revolutionary ferment of the
post-war years, have not been eliminated. The masses are still
discontented with their condition and will readily rise to free them-
selves from unbearable exploitation.'
'That party alone can command the lasting confidence of the
masses, which, not in words but in deeds, reflects the grievances
20 and demands of the masses. Here again realism should be the
guiding principle. The every day material needs, immediate
economic demands and general earthly well-being should be the
determining factors. Metaphysical prejudices should be set aside.
The appeal then states the following ten cardinal points of the
programme of the National party:—

1. National Independence; Democratic Republic based on
   Universal suffrage;
2. Abolition of Feudalism and Landlordism;
3. Nationalization of land : none but the cultivator will have
   30 the right of landholding;
4. Modernization of agriculture by State aid;
5. Nationalization of Mines and Public Utilities;
6. Development of Modern Industries; O. P. 80.
7. Protection for the Workers, Minimum wage; Eight hour
   day; Abolition of child labour; Insurance; and other advanced So-
   cial Legislation;
8. Free and Compulsory Primary Education;
9. Freedom of Religion and Worship;
10. Right of Minorities.
    40 The appeal concludes as follows:—
    'Brave Patriots. Don't waste your energy in futile terrorism.

( 52 )
Your noble idealism and undaunted spirit demand a much wider
field of action. The dynamic outburst of social forces is much
more powerful than bombs. The action of the toiling masses will
free India. Let us organise and lead this action.
Fraternally yours,
M. N. Roy'.
59. Exhibit P. 295 is an application of S. N. Bakshi (presum-
Exhibit P. 295. ably the original draft) addressed to the
Chairman of the Municipal Board, Jhansi, for a
post. This he succeeded in obtaining and retaining for 22 days. 10
Either his services were then dispensed with on account of his
leaving without permission or he resigned. Babu Jagdish Sahai
(P. W. 88) who was then Secretary of the Jhansi Municipal Board,
says that on the 22nd or 23rd December 1924, Bakhshi applied for
leave to attend the Belgaum Congress, but that as the Chairman
had himself already left for the Congress the application could not
be granted. Bakhshi did not return to the office after the 23rd.
On the reverse of this application are some remarks on the subject
of revolutionary movements e. g. 'We are a subject race and have
constitutional right to rebel'............'I do not hesitate to say that 20
O. P. 81. the system of Government is satanic, corrupt'........'The Govern-
ment creates a revolution and counter-revolutionaries make revo-
lutions bloody. The Government created the conditions of
revolution and when it raised its head they tried to put it down by
repression, which provoked further violence on the part of the
revolutionaries-bloody revolution.
60. Ex. P. 296 is a miscellaneous collection of papers. One refers
Exhibit P. 296. to the arrest of Bengal revolutionaries, includ-
ing S. N. Sanyal. Another is part of a letter
urging that all resources must be mobilized for 'the salvation of the 30
country from the bondage of a system that denies us our life and
free existence'. This is signed 'S. C. Bagchi that Bengali friend,'
and below the signature is written 'My address is here on a printed
slip.' Another paper contains further quotations from Messrs. C.
R. Das and Goswami explaining why revolutionary societies exist
and attacking Government for its 'violation of and contempt of
law.' Another paper refers to the sentences passed in the Babar
Akali Conspiracy case. Exhibit P. 293 and 296 also contain various
applications for posts. Exhibit P. 293 is an application to an
insurance company asking for the post of agent. Ex. P. 296 con- 40
tains an application to the Chairman Municipal Board, Mau, for the
post of Executive Officer, an application to the Chairman of the
District Board, Jhansi, for the post of clerk, an application to a
Calcutta business firm for the post of agent at Lucknow, and an
application on which the prosecution have laid some stress,
addressed to the Editor of the 'Swadhin,' for the post of 'Manager
of your Press and paper with a view to learn the art of journalism

( 53 )
and being interested in the Printing Press.' This application con-
cludes 'As I am in earnestness I am ready to work under you on a
. nominal salary of Rs. 20 only.
61. Ex. P. 297 is a writing by Bakshi in Hindi 'about the [O. P. 82.]
[Exhibit P. 297.] lives of those mutineers who sacrificed their
lives in open fight with the Government at
Baleshwar in the province of Orissa.' It is headed 'The Martyrs of
Mutiny and Revolution.' Reference is made to Terence McSwiney,
the Lord Mayor of Cork, and the writer says he wants to write the
10 lives of all such brave persons of Maharashtra, Bengal, United Pro-
vinces and Punjab who have sacrificed their lives either in a good
or bad way for their country. 'The Government says that they
were law infringers and disloyal. Infringement of Law is not such
a crime and disloyalty is also not considered a sin. But there is no
greater sin than treachery to the country. All the people who are
under the bondage of the present system of administration are
guilty of the offence of treachery to the country.'
62. Exhibit P. 298 is a list of books, 95 in number, mostly of a
[Lists of Books.] political nature. Exhibit P. 299 contains first
20 of all a list of nine books which purport to
have been borrowed. Then follows a list of 20 English books and
71 Hindi books with the price of each. All these relate more or
less to the same topics—revolution, communism, history or politics
generally. At the end is another list of 20 books, some of which
have been struck off. The prosecution suggest that these are books
which have been lent out and those struck off are books which have
been returned. Many of the books found with other alleged conspi-
rators are included in these lists such as 'The writings of Har Dayal'
'Revolutions of the World' 'Samavad' (communism) 'Anand Math'
30 (The Home of Happiness) 'Bangla Biplobad' 'Political Conspiracy'
'Bandijiwan' and 'Rus ki Rajkranti' (The Russian revolution).
The finding of these lists supports the theory that the revolu- [O. P. 83.]
tionaries possessed a fairly large circulating library and directly
connects Bakshi with this side of their activities.
63. Bakshi was arrested at Bhagalpur in the province of
[Arrest and search of S. N. Bakshi.] Bihar on the 17th. January, 1927. A C. I. D.
sub-inspector there named Pravash Chandra
Banerji (P. W. 103) received information about a suspicious
Bengali whose description agreed with that which had been cir-
40 culated by the C. I. D. of S. N. Bakshi. He informed his Inspec-
tor, Mr. Jagat Bandhu Bhaumick (P. W. 94) and the two lay in
wait for the Bengali near the place where he was reported to
take his food. He was observed about 11 A. M, and immediately
arrested. He was taken to the dispensary of Dr. Khirod Kumar
Mitra and the Kotwali sub-inspector Hari Pershad Deo (P. W. 93)
was sent for. On his arrival the suspect, who proved to be
Bakshi, was searched and some papers were taken from his

( 54 )
person. Among these was an unfinished letter (Ex. P. B. 7) in
Bengali and English mixed, dated 13th December, 1926, from
Rangpur. The letter itself contains nothing of particular interest
but on the reverse there is, a reference to the formation of a
committee 'which will act as a central body and guide all acti-
vities'
There is also a reference to the formation of a military depart-
ment. 'At present there was nothing like a military department.
To establish one military department and to form its central body
consisting of capable men and to appoint men in charge of each 10
Division'. In Bakshi's note book was found a Hindi poem of which
the following is a translation:—(Ex P. B. 3 (a) ).
O. P. 84. 'I am born in the world to make the country independent. I
will always be on the alert to massacre the Englishmen. I will
offer oblation to my departed ancestors with the stream of blood
of the Englishmen. I will offer the blood-stained head of the
English to the Goddess of war'.
Ex. P. B. 11 is an unsigned letter, also found on Bakshi, add-
ressed to 'My Countrymen at the Gauhati Congress.' The first
three paragraphs of this letter read as follows:— 20
'You are not unaware that I am absconding for more than a
year and a long sentence is awaiting for me. But the sincerity of
my co-workers, the earnestness of other members of my party and
the sympathy which you have so cordially accorded to me, have
succeeded in saving me for so long a time, though the Satanic
Government and its agents had announced,—publicly and to indivi-
duals—reward of several thousands of rupees for my arrest. I
refuse to surrender and defy the Government which unarms thirty
one crores of Indian population, sanctions general massacre of
unarmed and peaceful citizens at Jallianwala Bagh, destroys the 30
liberties of the jewels of Bengal like Subhas and others, and com-
mits so many inhuman acts.
I am a rebel—a revolutionary and want complete independence
of India free from foreign control; and this independence is not
in responsivism, not in council entry, not in only attending the
Congress but in organised armed revolution. The time has come
for the Congress to define Swaraj as complete indenpence (sic)
and to give a definite shape to the definite programme, which
shall be able to make India independent'. Below this letter the
following is written:— 40

1. Barisal connection.
2. U. P. men—to meet them and know the necessary details—
   O. P. 85. and methods and policy which they are—and to advise them in case
   of requirements.
3. To form a central body of five members of U. P. who will

( 55 )
dictate and will manage the provincial and inter-provincial mat-
ters.
Though I do not know the way the U. P. men will receive me
after such a great silence of more than a year.
4. Try to remove their grievance in all respects.
5. To frame a definite programme to give a great blow to
the Government within five years; though it is certain that revo-
lution will not be successful within so little time.
6. To find out ways to collect funds and arms.
10 As in other cases the letter found appears to have been a
draft and Bakshi has utilized the spare paper to put into writing his
current thoughts and plans. The Examiner of Questioned Docu-
ments has given reasons for believing that all these writings from
which I have quoted were written by Bakshi.
After he had been personally searched Bakhshi was taken to
the Gandhi Ashram at Bhagalpur where he was staying. He
pointed out the room himself and it was opened with one of the
keys found on him. Amongst other things found in the room was
a locked basket which contained four loaded 12 bore cartridges
20 (Exhibit P. B. 18). Various papers were also found purporting
to belong to one Benoy Kumar Ghosh in whose name Bakshi now
admits that he had been passing, and there were some letters
addressed to one Mohit Chandra Adhikari, who had been sharing
the room with Bakshi, but they are of no particular importance.
The discovery of two maps (of Bengal and Bihar and Orissa
vide Exhibit P. B. 16) is possibly significant when considered in
the light of the Twelve Points (Exhibit P. 162) and the discovery
of three sketch maps at the Dakhshineswar House where R. N.
Lahiri was arrested (vide Exhibit P. 213). Several of the letters O. P. 86.
30 found in his possession e. g. Exhibit P. B. 5 (A) P. B. 6, P. B.
9 (A) and P. B. 10 suggest that Bakhshi was carrying on corres-
pondence with other conspirators while he was absconding. These
are all written in guarded language and convey little definite
information. Exhibit P. B. 6 mentions that 'my letters are inter-
cepted and apprehending that yours too are intercepted. I was
waiting for a chance, the bearer of the letter is our friend'. The
letter is signed 'Atul Gobinda Deb' and the writer is told to reply
to 'Amarendra Nath Chakravarty.'
40 64 The association of Bakshi with Jogesh Chandar Chatter-
ji at Benares is suggested but not definitely
Association of Bakshi proved by the evidence of certain Bengalis
with Jogesh Chandar who lived there. Jatindra Narayan Santra
Chatterji. (P. W. 68) states that Bakshi hired a room
from a relation of his in No. 164, Ganesh
Mahal, at the beginning of the rainy season nearly four years ago

( 56 )
(i. e. 1923), saying that he wanted it for a friend. Sarat Chandar
Vidyaratna (P. W. 67) had been living in the house where
this room is for the last six years. He identified Jogesh Chan-
dar Chatterji as one of the men who had occupied the room,
and states that before Jogesh came to live there it was
occupied by a man named Satish. Bakshi used to visit Satish
but the witness does not remember having seen him visit
Jogesh. This evidence is corroborated by that of Mr. Mukerji,
Deputy Superintendent C. I. D. Benares, who states that he
came to know in May, 1924, that Jogesh Chandar Chatterji was 10
occupying one of the rooms at No. 164 Ganesh Mahal. He
made a note of it in his diary at the time. An extract from
his diary dated 17th May, 1924, has been exhibited (Ex. P. 436).
This is to the effect that S. N. Bakshi had approached the
O. P. 87. owner of No. 164, Ganesh Mahal and taken a room for Satish
Chandar Singh (who according to Mr. Mukherji was known to be
a revolutionary). Some time after this Jogesh Chandar Chatterji
came to Benares and put up there. Satish Chandra kept
Jogesh Chandar in his own room for a time and then departed
leaving him there. Jogesh Chandar occupied the room for about 20
three months and then shifted to No. 20 Pataleshwar. Patalesh-
war is the locality in which the Bakshi family live. This evidence
shows that Jogesh Chandra visited Benares some time before
his visit to Shahjahanpur and the natural inference in the light
of Ex. P. 198 (Proceedings of the Provincial Council) is that a
branch of the revolutionary organisation was formed at Benares
during his stay there; if it had not already been formed by his
predecessor Satish Chandar.
65. There is a considerable amount of evidence to corrobo-
rate the story of the approvers that certain
Evidence that Bakshi and other outside members visited Shahjahanpur. outside members of the revolutionary society,
including Bakshi, visited Shahjahanpur from
time to time. I note briefly below the main
points in this evidence and shall discuss its importance in con-
nection with the dacoities later.
Kishan Lal (P. W. 22) let a house to Banarsi Lal at the end
of July or the beginning of August, 1925, on the understanding
that it was required for canal contractors and clerks. It was
occupied by five or six men for thirteen days. He saw one of
the men in the house when he went to get the grass cut on the
roof and identified in Jail Bakshi as this man.
Ram Lal (P. W. 23) is the owner of a 'tikasar' or lodging
house at Shahjahanpur. He saw M. N. Gupta there twice, once
O. P. 88. before and once during the rains of 1925. The last occasion was
ten or twelve days before the Kakori dacoity. Banwari Lal came
to visit M. N. Gupta at the 'tikasar'. Ram Lal identified both
these men in Jail.

( 57 )
Bhola Nath Naik constable (P. W. 24) used to check and
make entries in the register of this 'tikasar'. Ex. P. 477
is the register. On the 19th April, 1925, two persons came
to the 'tikasar' who gave their names as Mohan Lal and
Badri Pershad. The Examiner of Questioned Documents says
that he is definitely of the opinion that the signature 'Badri
Pershad' is in the hand writing of S. N. Bakshi. On the 27th,
July, 1925, a man came to the 'tikasar' who gave his name as
'Kanhaiya Lal'. He was described in the register as of 'long face,
10 wheat complexion, ordinary build, average height, age 26 years'.
The Examiner of Questioned Documents says the signature 'Kan-
haiya Lal' in the register is probably by the same man who made
certain entries in the Jhansi Municipal register, that is to say, S.
N. Bakshi, but he is not certain about this. It is clearly proved,
however, that Bakshi did visit the 'tikasar' as Bhola Nath
identified him in Jail as one of the men he had seen there. Bhola
Nath also said that he had seen him there two or three times in
1925 prior to the train dacoity. It is also significant that just
above the entry 'Kanhaiya Lal' there is the signature of Raushan
Singh who was an accused in the main case. Raushan Singh was
known at the 'tikasar' and so gave his real name. It should also
be noted that Babu Gobind Bihari, C. I. D. Inspector could find
nobody at the addresses given by 'Badri Pershad' and 'Kanhaiya
Lal'.
Gauri Shankar (P. W. 61) is the pujari of a temple at
Shahjahanpur which was built by the father of Banarsi Lal. He
had occasion to visit Banarsi Lal two or three times a week in
connection with the affairs of this temple. On one occasion
he saw three strangers at Banarsi Lal's house and he saw the O. P. 89.
30 same men the next day at the ghat near his temple. He
identified these men in jail as M. N. Gupta, R. K. Khattri
and S. N. Bakshi.
Gauri Shankar's story is supported by the evidence of Ram
Charan (P. W. 62) who used to occupy the upper story of Banarsi
Lal's house. He also identified in jail these same three men.
He says he first saw Bakshi there in the cold weather two
and a half years ago. He came to visit the three men at the
tikasar of whom M. N. Gupta and R. K. Khattri were two. The
following hot weather, that is the hot weather of 1925, Bakshi
stayed in the house with the same three men. It is clear from this
that Bakshi, M. N. Gupta, R. K. Khattri and probably also Banwari
Lal used to visit Shahjahanpur for the purpose of conferring with
Banarsi Lal and others, if not for other purposes also. It may
also be noted here that this last witness, Ram Charan, further
states that Ram Pershad and Ashfaqullah often used to visit
Banarsi Lal. As he occupied the same house he was clearly in
a position to know about such visits.

with another ( 58 )
66. The evidence of Mr. Mukherji, Deputy Superintendent
Activities of Bakshi at Benares. C. I. D. Benares, shows that Bakshi first
came to the notice of the police in 1923 when
he invited the public to attend a meeting of
what later became the Central Health Union. The public notices
were issued in Bakshi's name. Mr. Mukherji attended the meet-
ing and noticed that Bakshi took a leading part in it. He was
secretary of the Union and R. N. Lahiri and M. N. Gupta were
members. Exhibit P. 448 (a) which Bakshi admits is in his hand-
writing, is the record of the proceedings of the meeting of the 10
managing committee, dated 7th June, 1923. Narindra Deb Bhatta-
charya (P. W. 65) who was acquainted with the Bakshi family
O. P. 90. and lived next door to them, was a member of the Union but
his evidence does not add much to our information about it.
There can be no doubt that it started purely as an athletic club
and professed to eschew politics. In his statement to the magis-
trate Bakshi said that he became secretary of the Union in the
middle of 1923 and continued as such until the middle of 1924, and
the evidence of Narindra Deb is to the same effect. In this court,
after examining the proceedings (Ex. P. 448), he corrected this 20
statement pointing out that after being secretary he became assis-
tant secretary on the 13th November, 1923. About a month later,
he says he left Benares for Lucknow and then ceased to be a
member of the Union. He denies being a member during the
time that R. N. Lahiri and M. N. Gupta were members. To some
extent this appears to be correct. An examination of the proceed-
ings Ex. P 448 shows that Bakshi was elected secretary of the Union,
then known as the Aryan Athletic Association, in March 1923.
He also originally signed the proceedings as president. On the
21st June, 1923, Bakshi was again elected secretary. In July the 30
name of the association was changed to the Central Health Union.
At a meeting of the managing committee on 9th August 1923,
R. N. Lahiri was admitted as a member. On the 13th November
1923 Bakshi was elected assistant secretary. When he resigned
this post and severed his connection with the Union does not appear
from the proceedings, but it was not until the 21st July, 1925, when
he was again in Benares that M. N. Gupta was admitted as a
member. At a meeting dated 25th July 1925, we find that R. N.
Lahiri was elected assistant secretary in his absence, but the
proceedings of the 31st August show that he did not accept this 40
post.
The record of the proceedings about this time indicate that
O. P. 91. though Bakshi had not resumed membership he was still taking
an interest in the Union. Both he and M. N. Gupta, however,
appear to have been in disfavour, for some reason unexplained,
with those who were at that time in control. At a meeting of the
4th September, 1925, the following resolutions were passed.
(1) that no outsiders be allowed into the field without the

( 59 )
permission of the Captain and that S. N. Bakshi be requested by
the Secretary not to come into the premises of the Union in
contravention of this.
(2) that whereas the attitude of Manmotha Nath Gupta is
considered to be prejudicial to the interests of the Union he be
requested by the Secretary to tender resignation to (sic) the mem-
bership of the Union and that in case he does not tender his resigna-
tion within two days after this request is made, his name be
removed from the register.
10 On the 6th September the resignation of M. N. Gupta was
accepted. That the Union was still having trouble with Bakshi,
however is shown by a resolution which reads—'Somehow to
check the entrance of Mr. Sachindra N. Bakshi into the club
premises'. It appears therefore that Bakshi was an active member
of the Union at the same time that R. N. Lahiri was a member,
but that he was not actually a member when M. N. Gupta was a
member, though he visited the Union at that time.
67. Mr. Mukherji states that Bakshi was under surveillance
from May 1925, but had been a political
[Margin: Reports of head constable Bhawani Sahai] suspect since May 1924. He ordered head
constable Bhawani Sahai (P. W. 71) to watch
his movements in May 1925. Reports Ex. P. 178-182 were
made by Bhawani Sahai to his sub-inspector Ramini Mohan
Mukherji (P. W. 72) prior to the Kakori dacoity. This evidence
has been produced by the prosecution mainly to prove that Bakshi [Margin: O. P. 92.]
was absent from Benares at the time of the Kakori dacoity. The
reports however are also of interest and importance as showing
Bakshi's association with M. N. Gupta and continued interest in
the Central Health Union or its members. Relevant extracts are
as follows:—
Ex. P. 178 dated 5th June 1925. 'At 7 o'clock in the evening
Sochin Bakshi (i. e. the accused) Manmotho Nath Sen Gupta and
others about 30, came out of Deonik Sabha with the photo of
C. R. Das and went round Dasa Sumedh Ghat for the realisation
of funds for the C. R. Das Memorial and returned to Deonik
Sabha about 9-30 p. m.'
Ex. P. 179 dated 5th July 1925. 'It is submitted that
to-day about 8-30 p. m. Sochin Bakshi left Deonik Sabha in
company with Manmotho Nath Gupta along with the members of
the C. R. Das Memorial Fund.'
Ex. P. 180 dated 15th July 1925. 'At about 3 p. m. Sochin
Bakshi went to star Homeopathic Medical Hall. For about an hour
he remaind inside there and thereafter went on walking with a boy
who is a member of the Health Union Club'.
Ex. P. 181 dated 20th July 1925 also mentions him walking

( 60 )
with boys who were members of the Health Union Club.
Ex. P. 182 dated 23rd July 1925 mentions him and M. N.
Gupta with some boys visiting the Health Union Club. On the
28th July 1925 Bhawani Sahai reported to the Sub-Inspector as fol-
lows (Ex. P. 474) 'Today from 5 A. M. to 9 A. M. Sochin Bakshi
was watched but he could not be seen. It appears that he has gone
out somewhere'. It is proved by the evidence of Bhawani Sahai
and sub-inspector Ramini Mohan Mukerji that Bakshi did not
O. P. 93. return to Benares till the 15th August, 1925. Bhawani Sahai repor-
ted on that date (Ex. P 475) that he had seen him talking with a 10
boy. On the 19th August also he reported that he had seen him
talking with boys and also with Manmotho Nath Gupta (Ex. P
183.) On the 20th August there is a report (Ex. P 184) that Bak-
shi visited the house of Manmotho Nath Gupta at 10-15. p. m.
He was again in the company of M. N. Gupta on the 23rd August
(Ex. P 185) and the 25th August (Ex. P 186). On the 26th August
(Ex. P 187) he could not be found. Azad (absconding) was seen
talking to M. N. Gupta on that date and also on the 28th August
and 15th September, 1925.
68. The evidence of constable Kunj Bihari (P. W. 98) shows 20
Activities of Bakshi at Jhansi. that Bakshi was at Jhansi during the cold wea-
ther of 1924-25. Altogether he was there for six
or seven months. Both he and Mukandi Lal
used to visit the house of one Kishan Gopal, the Congress Secretary.
The appeal (Ex. P 298) to the People of Jhansi for funds to sup-
port the Athletic Club there (signed by Sachindra Nath and Rudra
Narayan Singh as 'organisers') considered in the light of his similar
activities at Benares, suggests that Bakshi had been sent to Jhansi
as district organiser of the propaganda department there. His
knowledge about the broadcasting of 'the Revolutionary' as shown 30
by Ex. P. 288 and the statement therein that the pamphlets have 'at
last' been circulated in Jhansi suggest that he knew more about
their circulation there and elsewhere than is admitted. I have
already shown his attempts to obtain employment while at Jhansi,
and his readiness to take a post on a nominal salary of Rs. 20
a month in the office of a paper called the 'Swadhin'.
69. The case against Bakshi under section 121A, I. P. C.
rests therefore on the evidence of the appro-
Summary of case against Bakshi. vers, on the fact that he absconded on the
O. P. 94. arrest of the main body of conspirators, on
his assumption of false names both before and after their arrest,
on the evidence to prove his visits to Shahjahanpur and his
association with other alleged revolutionaries both there and at
Benares, on his activities at Benares and Jhansi, specially in the
formation or attempted formation of athletic clubs, and on the
papers and letters found either in his trunk at Jhansi or on his
person at Bhagalpur. It is unnecessary for me to say much

( 61 )
more about :these. The 'appeal to the Nationalists' and other
papers contain unmistakeable indications of his revolutionary and
communistic leanings and the letter addressed to ' My country-
men at the Gauhati Congress' frankly admits that he is a rebel
and revolutionary. The lists of books found in his trunk are
clear evidence of his connection with the other conspirators. The
writing on Ex. P. B. 7 suggesting the formation of a military
department and on Ex. P. B. 11 proposing the creation of a
central body of five United Provinces members, the framing of a
10 definite programme to give a great blow to the Government
within five years and the exploration of methods to collect funds
and arms, show that even while he was absconding Bakshi was
interesting himself in schemes to further the revolutionary cause.

( 75 )
CHAPTER V. O. P. 116.
The Kakori Train Dacoity.
83. The story of the train dacoity on the 9th August 1925 is
told in most detail by the guard Jagannath
Story of the guard, Jagan- Prasad (P. W. 4). He states that after the
nath Prasad. train had proceeded a mile from Kakori outer
signal in the direction of Alamnagar the communication cord was
pulled. The train began to stop and before it had finally stopped he
got out to see what was the matter. It will be seen from Ex. P. 86
10 that the train consisted (in the order given) of engine, empty
brake van, three third class bogies, a first and second class com-
posite coach, a mixed inter class and third class bogie, three
third class bogies, an officer's saloon and a brake van divided
into two compartments. Jagannath Prasad was in this rear brake
van. On getting out he went towards the engine on the left
hand side of the train. When he reached the third class com-
partment near the inter class compartment he saw three men
dressed in khaki coming in his direction, one of whom was
Ashfaqullah. Behind these three men were a railway doctor
20 named Gupta (P. W. 25) and an ice vendor named Abdul Wadud
(P. W. 28). They both told the guard that these three men had
pulled the communication cord. The guard asked them if this
was correct and one of them replied in the affirmative, saying
he had left a box behind at Kakori. They went on past him,
while he followed, asking them for their tickets. They made no
reply. On reaching the brake van the guard who was still follow-
ing them found that there were some men inside it and some
outside it, numbering altogether 20 to 25. The three men joined O. P. 117.
them. Ashfaqullah then took a bag from his neck and firing
30 began. One man shouted to the passengers telling them to remain
in their carriages and another man ordered the guard to lie
down, saying that if he did not his head would be blown off.
The guard did as he was ordered lying down on his side some
four or five paces from the brake van which he could still par-
tially see. He heard one man say 'Jamadar, throw the box
out of the brake van' and there followed the noise of a box
falling down. As soon as it had fallen down from the van the
dacoits began to try and force it open. Meanwhile other dacoits
continued to fire on both sides of the train and to warn the
40 passengers not to come out of their carriages, telling them they
were not going to loot them and that they only wanted the rail-
way treasure. There was an interval while the Dehra Express
passed, firing being stopped and the dacoits all assembling on
the other side of the train. It took about half an hour for
the dacoits to force open the safe. They then asked the guard
if that was all. He replied that it was, although in fact there
were three other safes in the other part of the brake van. The