अमर शहीद अशफ़ाक़उल्ला ख़ाँ: व्यक्तित्व और कृतित्व (काकोरी के अमर शहीद का जीवन व रचनाएँ)

उठो-उठो सो रहे हो नाहक/पयामे बाँगे जरस तो सुन लो,
बढ़ो कि कोई बुला रहा है, निशाने मंजिल दिखा-दिखाकर।
ज्यादा क्या लिखूँ, सलाम लो-और कमर हिम्मत बाँध लो और
मैदाने-सियासी लीडरों मेरा सलाम कबूल करो और तुम हम लोगों को उस
नजर से न देखना जिस नजर से दुश्मनाने वतन और खाइनीने कौम
देखते थे। न हम डाकू थे न कातिल -
कहाँ गया कोहेनूर हीरा/किधर गई हाय मेरी दौलत,
वह सबका सब लूटकर कि उलटा/हमीं को डाकू बता रहे हैं।
हमीं को दिन-दहाड़े लूटा, फिर हमीं डाकू हैं। हमारे भाइयों और
बहनों और बच्चों को जलियानवाला बाग में भून डाला और अब हमीं को
कालस बलूट फैसले में लिखा जाता है। अगर हम ऐसे हैं तो वह कैसे हैं
और किस खिताब से पुकारे जाने के काबिल हैं, उन्होंने हिन्दुस्तान का
सुहाग लूट लिया, जिन्होंने लाखों बहादुरों को अपनी गरज के लिए
मेसोपोटामिया और रूस के मैदान में सुलवा दिया, खूँखार जानवर,
जालिम दरिंदे वह हैं कि हम? हम बेवश थे, कमजोर थे, सब कुछ सुन
लिया और ऐ वतनी भाइयों यह सब तुमने सुनवाया। आओ फिर मुत्तहिद
हो जाओ, फिर मैदाने अमल में कूद पड़ो और मुकम्मल आजादी का
ऐलान कर दो। अच्छा अब मैं रुखसत होता हूँ और हमेशा के लिए
खैरबाद कहता हूँ। खुदा तुम्हारे साथ हो और फिजाये हिंद पर आजादी
का झंडा जल्द लहराए। मेरे पास न वह ताकत है कि हिमालय की चोटी
पर पहुँचकर एक ऐसी आवाज निकालूँ जो हर शख्स को बेदार कर दे और
न वह असबाब है कि जिससे फिर तुम्हारे दिल मुश्ताइल कर दूँ कि तुम
उसी जोश से आगे बढ़कर खड़े हो जाओ जैसे सन् 20 या 21 में थे। मैं
चंद सुतूर के बाद रुख़सत होता हूँ : -
202

To every man upon this earth,
Death cometh soon or late,
But (then) how can a man die better,
Than facing fearful odds,
For the ashes of his fathers and,
Temples of his God.
बाद को मैं इन भाइयों से रुखसत शुक्रिया के साथ होता हूँ जिन्होंने
हमारी मदद जाहिर तौर पर की या पोशीदा और यकीन दिलाऊँगा कि
अशफाक आखिरी दम तक सच्चा रहा और खुशी-खुशी मर गया और
ख्यानते-वतनी का उस पर कोई नहीं लगाया जा सकता। वतनी भाइयों
से गुजारिश है कि मेरे बाद मेरे भाइयों को वक्त जरूरत न भूलें और
उनकी मदद करें और उनका ख्याल करें।
वतन पर मर मिटने वाला
अशफाक वारसी 'हसरत'
अज, फैजाबाद जेल
मेरी तहरीर मेरे वतनी भाइयों तक पहुँच जाए। ख्वाह विद्यार्थी जी
अखबार के जरिए से या अग्रेजी, हिन्दी, उर्दू में छापकर कांग्रेस के अय्याम
में तकसीम करा दें, मशकूर हूँगा। मेरा सलाम कबूल करें और मेरे भाइयों
को न वह कभी भूलें और न मेरे वतनी भाई फरामोश करें। अलविदा !
अशफाक उल्ला वारसी 'हसरत'
फैजाबाद
जेल
19 दिसम्बर
1927¹

1. अशफाक उल्ला और उनका युग, सुधीर विद्यार्थी पृष्ठ 148-156
   203

अशफाक चले गये और अलविदा से पहले देश के नाम अपना
संदेश छोड़ गये। संदेश के माध्यम से हम उनके वैचारिक धरातल को
ठीक से समझ सकते हैं, उनके कृतित्व व्यक्तित्व के विषय में तमाम
सच्चाइयों का पता भी चलता है।
फाँसी पर जाने के पूर्व अशफाक ने कहा भी था - "भारत माता के
रंगमंच पर अपना पार्ट अब हम अदा कर चुके। हमने गलत-सही जो कुछ
किया वह स्वतंत्रता प्राप्ति की भावना से किया। हमारे इस काम की कोई
प्रशंसा करेगा तो कोई निंदा। किन्तु हमारे साहस और वीरता की प्रशंसा
हमारे दुश्मनों तक को करनी पड़ी है। क्रांतिकारी बड़े वीर योद्धा और बड़े
अच्छे वेदान्ती होते हैं। वे सदैव अपने देश की भलाई सोचा करते हैं। वे
कहते है कि हम देश को भयग्रस्त करते हैं, किन्तु बात ऐसी नहीं हैं।
इतनी लम्बी मियाद तक हमारा मुकदमा चला, मगर हमने किसी एक
गवाह तक को भयग्रस्त करने की चेष्टा नहीं की, न किसी मुखबिर को
गोली मारी। हम चाहते तो किसी गवाह, किसी खुफिया पुलिस के
अधिकारी या किसी अन्य ऐसे आदमी को मार सकते थे, किन्तु यह
हमारा उद्देश्य नहीं था। हम तो कन्हाईलाल दत्त, खुदी राम बोस, गोपी
मोहन साहा आदि की स्मृति में फाँसी पर चढ़ जाना चाहते थे।
जजों ने हमें निर्दय, बर्बर, मानव कलंक आदि विशेषणों से याद
किया है। किन्तु हम पूछते हैं कि क्या इन जजों ने जलियावाला बाग में
गोली चलाते देखा या सुना, क्या उसने निरस्त्र भारतीयों-स्त्री पुरुष, बाल
वृद्ध सब पर गोलियाँ नहीं चलायी थी। कितने जजों ने उसे इन विशेषणों
से विभूषित किया। फिर क्या यह मजाक हमारे ही साथ उड़ाने को है।
भारतीय भाइयों, आप कोई हों, चाहे जिस धर्म या सम्प्रदाय के अनुयायी
हों, परन्तु आप देशहित में एक जुट होकर योग दीजिए। आप लोग व्यर्थ
में लड़-झगड़ रहे हैं। सब धर्म एक है, रास्ते चाहे भिन्न-भिन्न हो परन्तु
लक्ष्य सबका एक ही है।
204

फिर यह झगड़ा बखेड़ा क्यों? हम मरने वाले काकोरी के अभियुक्तों
के लिए आप लोग एक हो जाइए और सब मिलकर नौकर शाही का
मुकाबला कीजिए। यह सोचकर कि 7 करोड़ मुसलमान भारतवासियों में मैं
सबसे पहला मुसलमान हूँ जो भारत माता की स्वतंत्रता के लिए फाँसी पर
चढ़ रहा हूँ, मैं मन ही मन अभिमान का अनुभव कर रहा हूँ किन्तु मैं
यह विश्वास दिलाना चाहता हूँ किं मैं हत्यारा नहीं था, जैसा कि मुझे
साबित किया गया है।
अब मैं विदा होता हूँ। ईश्वर आप सबका भला करे। इस अवसर
पर एनुद्दीन, मजिस्ट्रेट श्रीखैरात अली, पब्लिक प्रोसीक्यूटर, सी०आई०डी०
के अधिकारी खासकर खान बहादुर तसद्दुक हुसैन साहब तथा अन्य
गवाहों को धन्यवाद देना अनुचित न होगा। क्योंकि इन्ही की कृपा से
यह मान मर्यादा प्राप्त हुई। मेरे परिवार में आज तक देश सेवा के लिए
कोई त्याग न हुआ था, अब यह कलंक छूट जायेगा। अन्त में अपने
साथी अभियुक्तों तथा मुखबिरों और इकबाली मुलजिमों से भी वन्दे करता
हूँ। सबको आखिरी सलाम। भारतवर्ष सुखी हो मेरे भाई आनंद लाभ करें।’’¹
निश्चित ही अशफाक को समझना अपने देश की संस्कृति की झलक
पाना है। अशफाक उल्ला खाँ ने स्वतंत्रता को मेहनतकश जनता के
जीवन की स्वतंत्रता से जोड़ा था। क्योंकि उनके लिए देश केवल धरती,
जंगल पहाड़, नदी नाले से नहीं है। जनता के बिना देश या राष्ट्र का
कोई मतलब नहीं होता। उन्हें पता था देश की बहुसंख्यक जनता गाँव में
रहती है। अधिकतर लोग गरीबी की चक्की में पिस रहे हैं, कम दिहाड़ी
पर कारखानों में काम कर रहे हैं, लाखों सड़क पर हैं। इसलिए देश को
आजाद करना है तो इन्हें आगे लाना होगा। किसानों, मजदूरों को
संगठित करना होगा।

1. अशफाक उल्ला और उनका युग, सुधीर विद्यार्थी, पृष्ठ -156-157
   205

अशफाक ने कहा है कि -'मेरा दिल गरीब किसानों और दुखियों
मजदूरों के लिए हमेशा दुखी रहा है। मैं तो अपने अय्यामें फरारी में भी
अक्सर इनकी हालत देखकर रोया किया हूँ क्योंकि मुझे इनके साथ दिन
गुजारने का मौका मिला है। निश्चित ही अशफाक उल्ला खाँ उस दौर के
क्रांतिकारियों में एक मजबूत चरित्र के रूप में नजर आते हैं। जहाँ एक
तरफ संवेदनशील और प्रगतिशील कवि, शायर के रूप में हमे नजर आते
है वही वे एक कुशल पार्टी के कार्यकर्ता के रूप में दृढ़ता से खड़े दिखते
हैं और अन्त तक उनके विचारों में कोई परिवर्तन नहीं आया। प्रमुख
क्रांतिकारी नेता अमर शहीद सरदार भगत सिंह ने लिखा है कि -‘‘आप
(अशफाक) श्री राम प्रसाद के दायें हाथ थे, मुसलमान होने के बावजूद
आपको कट्टर आर्य समाजी धर्म से हर दर्जे तक का प्रेम था। दोनों प्रेमी
एक बड़े काम के लिए अपने प्राण उत्सर्ग कर अमर हो गये।’’
शहीदे आज़म अशफाक उल्ला खाँ ने देश की आजादी के लिए
अपने प्राणों की आहुति दी। उनका यह उत्सर्ग आने वाली पीढ़ियाँ सदैव
स्मरण करेंगी तथा उनके कृतित्व एवं व्यक्तित्व से हमेशा प्रेरणा पाती
रहेंगी।
अशफाक के शब्द आज भी स्मृति में है और गूँजते हैं -
‘‘कुछ आरजू नहीं है, है आरजू तो यह है,
रख दे कोई जरा - सी खाके वतन कफन में।’’
----------------- ''' -----------------
206

सन्दर्भ ग्रन्थ सूची

-: संदर्भ ग्रन्थ सूची :-
प्रस्तुत शोधग्रन्थ की सर्जना हेतु मुझे अपने शोध सलाहकार श्रद्धेय प्रोफेसर श्री
अनिल कुमार मिश्र एवं निम्न ग्रन्थों से अपार सहयोग प्राप्त हुआ -
1 :- Cambridge history of india vol VI :- God well H.H
2 :- भारत में क्रान्तिकारी आंदोलन का इतिहास। :- मनमथ नाथ गुप्त
3 :- History of the Congress Part I :- पट्टाभिसिता रमैया
4 :- History of freedom movement of India, Vol II :- R.C Majumdar
5 :- A Century History of Indian national :- B.N. Pandey
Congress Vol II
6 :- भारत के अमर क्रान्तिकारी अशफाक उल्ला खाँ :- डा० भवानी सिंह
7 :- अशफाक उल्ला खाँ और उनका युग :- सुधीर विद्यार्थी
8 :- जांबाज पत्रिका :- शहीद ए वतन अशफाक उल्ला खाँ
जन्म शताब्दी समारोह समिति।
9 :- भारतीय स्वतंत्रता का इतिहास :- विपिन चन्द्रा।
10 :- स्वतंत्रता संघर्ष :- डा० तारा चन्द।
11 :- आधुनिक भारत :- डा० सुमित सरकार ।
12 :- आधुनिक भारत का इतिहास :- वी० एल० ग्रोवर।
13 :- प्राचीन विश्व इतिहास का परिचय :- प्रगति प्रकाशन
14 :- काकोरी शहीद स्मृति :- डा० भगवानदास माहौर
15 :- भारत का स्वतन्त्रता संघर्ष :- विपिन चन्द्र
16 :- द इंडियन पालिटिकल सिस्टम :- नार्मन डी. यामर
17 :- आजादी के दस्तावेज :- ख्वाजा हसन नियाजी
18 :- भारत में राष्ट्रीयता का विकास :- डा. एस. एल. नागोरी
19 :- हाऊ इण्डिया राट फार फ्रीडम :- एनीबेसेन्ट
207

20 :- भारतीय स्वतन्त्रता संग्राम का इतिहास - राम गोपाल
21 :- भारत वर्तमान और भावी - रजनीपाल दत्त
22 :- वाजिद अलीशाह और अवध राज्य का पतन - परिपूर्णानंद वर्मा
23 :- हिस्ट्री आफ दी इंडियन म्यूटिनी - सर जान विलियम्स
24 :- स्वतंत्रता आन्दोलन में शाहजहांपुर का योगदान - डा. एन. सी. मेहरोत्रा
25 :- द इंडियन रिवेलियन - डा. ए. डफ
26 :- पूर्वा - जगदीश चन्द्र दीक्षित
27 :- अशफाक उल्ला खां - भगत सिंह राणा
28 :- मैनपुरी जनपद का राजनैतिक इतिहास - चिन्तामणि शुक्ल
29 :- रामप्रसाद 'बिस्मिल' रचनावली - दिनेश शर्मा
30 :- मैनपुरी षड्यंत्र केस - पत्रांक 11/919 - राज्य अभिलेखागार लखनऊ
31 :- टेरारिज्म इन इंडिया 1917-36, गृह विभाग, भारत सरकार क्रम सं. 38/3
32 :- दे लिव्ड डैन्जरसली - मन्मथनाथ गुप्त
33 :- शहीद रोशन सिंह - सुधीर विद्यार्थी
34 :- अमर शहीद अशफाक उल्ला खाँ - बनारसी दास चतुर्वेदी
35 :- पूर्वा - योगेश चन्द्र चटर्जी
36 :- कार्यवाही काकोरी षड्यंत्र केस - अपील
37 :- सी.आई.डी. वाल्यूम-2, काकोरी षड्यंत्र केस - उ. प्र. राजकीय अभिलेखागार
38 :- अमर शहीद चन्द्रशेखर आजाद - वैशम्पायन
39 :- मेमायर्स - शिव वर्मा
40 :- शब्द - गोबिन्द बल्लभपन्त के भाषणों का
संकलन
208

परिशिष्ट
काकोरी षडयन्त्र केस के निर्णय से उद्धृत अंश
(साभार उ०प्र० राजकीय अभिलेखागार, लखनऊ)

( 41 )
evidence show that branches of the revolutionary society had been
established at the other places mentioned in the first charge. I
find therefore that a conspiracy existed substantially as alleged in
that charge. It remains now to consider the evidence for the alle-
gation in the charge that the two accused in this case were parties
to it.
49. The evidence of sub-inspector Fasahat Husain (P. W.
113) shows that he went to the house of
Search for Ashfaqullah on Ashfaqullah at 5 a. m. on the 26th Septem-
10 25th September, 1925. ber 1925. He had received a warrant for
his arrest and also a search warrant a few
hours before. Ashfaqullah was absent and one of his brothers
told the Sub-Inspector that he had slept the night at the house
of a relative Abdul Qadir Khan, a retired deputy collector. The
Sub-Inspector went therefore to that house but failed to find the
accused. He found in the house of Ashfaqullah a 12 bore gun,
(Ex. P. A-18) 24 shot cartridges in a sling (Ex. P. A-19) a bag
containing a large number of empty cartridge cases, one bullet
cartridge and four bags of small shot. The gun belonged to O. P. 64.
20 Abdul Qadir Khan and a license was produced showing that one of
Ashfaqullah's brothers had his name entered in the license as a
retainer. The discovery of this gun and ammunition only shows
therefore that Ashfaqullah had access to firearms. Search for
Ashfaqullah continued to be unsuccessful in spite of attachment
proceedings against his property.
50. Ashfaqullah was arrested by Khan Bahadur Hakim
Ikramul Haq (P. W. 119) Deputy Superinten-
Arrest and search of Ashfaq dent of the Delhi C. I. D. at 9-30 p. m. on the
ullah. 8th September, 1926, or rather more than a
30 year after the Kakori dacoity. The Deputy
Superintendent had received information the same day that he
was living in a certain house and proceeded there with an Inspec-
tor and four constables. He also obtained two search witnesses
before entering the house. He found Ashfaqullah sitting alone
on a charpoy.
Ashfaqullah gave his name as Abid Raza and refused to
give his father's name and address. The Deputy Superintendent
prepared a list of the things found in the room. These included
a trunk which contained papers. As the witnesses were illiterate
40 he did not examine them there but sealed up the trunk and produ-
ced it the next day before Saiyid Ghulam Mustafa Shah, a
Magistrate of the First Class (P. W. 118). The latter prepared a
list of the contents. These included a photograph (Ex. P. A-37)
which Ashfaqullah said was a photograph of himself. It was not,
however a very good likeness of the accused and both the Deputy
Superintendent and the Magistrate appear to have doubted
whether it was a photograph of him. A few days later when Mr.

( 42 )
Horton arrived at Delhi from Lucknow the accused expressed his
fears that the United Provinces C. I. D. might obtain the photo-
graph and show it to the witnesses who were to identify him. He was
[O. P. 65.] re-assured on the point and the evidence of the Deputy Superinten-
dent and other witnesses proves clearly that every possible pre-
caution was taken in regard to this photograph and that it was
kept in a sealed cover at Delhi until the 30th October, 1926.
When Ashfaqullah was first taken before the Magistrate he
again gave his name as Abid Raza but when it was pointed out to
him that it was no use keeping up the pretence any longer as the
papers found showed that his name was Ashfaqullah he admitted
that it was.
51. Among the papers found in the trunk was Ex. P A. 35, a
[Manifesto of the Communist Party of India (Ex. P. A 35).] pamphlet which has been proscribed by the
Bengal and Central Provinces Governments,
entitled, 'Manifesto of the Communist Party
of India'. It purports to have been published
'at the office of the Bengal Peasants' and Workers' Party for and
on behalf of the Communist Party of India'. It is a six page printed
pamphlet, with a sub-head 'Hindu-Muslim problem'. It is dated
15th May 1926. It was apparently given to Ashfaqullah as there
is written at the top of the first page. 'A present from one whom
you saw in Delhi'. The key-note of the manifesto is that the
'Freedom Movement will only succeed behind an Economic Pro-
gramme, and that propaganda against the Government directed on
religious lines is unsafe and impracticable. The author comments on
the failure of previous anti-Government movements which were
based either on sentiment or on religious prejudice, e. g. the non-
co-operation and Khilafat movements. The following extracts
are of interest.—
"Our Hindu countrymen joined the Khilafat movement and
noticed the courage and determination of the Musalmans in
redressing the Khilafat. They were made to believe and bullied
[O. P. 66.] to a certain extent that by similarly exploiting the fanaticism
of the Hindus they would be able to rouse their consciousness.
They were joined by the reactionary element of the com-
munity and started Shuddi, Sangathan and Mahasabha which
led the Musalmans to start Tabligh and Tansim as a counter
move. The present debacle was a foregone conclusion of such an ill-
started movement."
"The root cause of all these troubles accuring in the country
after the immediate collapse of the movement is that religion was
allowed to play the chief part in the movement. It may be com-
paratively easy to fire politically backward people with religious
fanaticism; but it is impossible, even dangerous, to base a political
movement on such unreliable ground. The recent occurrences

( 43 )
amply prove its impossibility and dangerousness. If the hostility
against the British Imperialism is made a religious issue, the
hostility thus aroused can at any moment turn into antagonism
among the two great Indian Communities as they do not profess
the same religion. It is precisely what has happened now. The
propaganda on religious lines could perhaps be safely and success-
fully carried on, if India were inhabited by people of the same
religion. India embodies in its vast dimensions people of different
creeds and races. It is under the yoke of the most advanced capi-
10 talist system, which holds India not to please God in heaven, but to
make huge profits by exploiting the labour of starving millions in
India and other countries.”
“The Indian Mussalmans should take lesson from the decision
of the Grand National Assembly of Angora which declared the
separation of the Khilafat from the Sultanate, i. e., separation of
religion from politics. No protests from the Ulema of India
will induce the progressive elements of the Turkish nation to dis-
charge their decision. Turkey has entered a new era of progress O. P. 67
by separating religion and politics. The example of Nationalist
20 Turkey should help the Indian Moslems to decide in which direc-
tion their politics should go. Let them liberate themselves from
the yoke of the British, before they think of liberating other Mus-
salmans of the world. This cannot be done until and unless they
unite heart and soul with their countrymen Hindus and other
communities of India.”
The author proceeds to urge that the religious character of
the movement should be replaced by one of a predominating poli-
tical character. He asked how the union of Hindus and Muham-
medans is to be brought about, and remarks that so long as the
30 political movement in India is conducted partially or wholly on reli-
gious lines, unity will not be realised. He proceeds, “ Have the
Hindus and Mussalman masses nothing in common in India? Are
both of them not suffering equally under the ruthless exploitation
of the foreign bureaucracy? Are they not economically ruined by
the foreign and Indian capitalists and landlords? The union can
only be realised when they are told of their common grievances so
that they should be conscious of their common miserable plight.
It may be difficult for bourgeois political philosophy to find a com-
mon ground to stand upon. The masses—the common workers and
40 peasants—are, however, as a matter of fact already united by vir-
tue of their common economic interests, only the consciousness of
this union is interfered with by large doses of conflicting religious
dogmas administered by interested parties.”
“The problem of national freedom cannot be solved unless a
new programme is adopted and new tactics employed. The battle
of national freedom is to be fought by the masses, so let it be
fought for their interests. Let us take a lesson from the failure of

( 44 )
O. P. 68. the gigantic movement of Non-co-operation. The Indian masses were
in a fighting mood because they believed that the coming Swaraj
will make an end to their misery and starvation. It is true
that their enthusiasm was not aroused by any economic programme
but they instinctively looked forward for a better economic
condition. This belief of theirs was strengthened when the
slogan of non-payment of taxes was brought forward. Let us not
repeat the past mistake. Let us have a more clear outlook than
hitherto possessed by our leaders. When in future we call for non-
payment of taxes, let us really mean it. The masses this time 10
will be ready to fight more vigorously and more consciously.
Our work is to agitate and organise the masses on economic pro-
gramme and finally lead them to a general strike or you may
call it civil disobedience. "
" We want to impress upon our countrymen with all the
earnestness we are capable of to begin with a new phase of
the movement with an economic programme reflecting the im-
mediate demands of the workers and peasants—the proletarians
of the country and commence a struggle subordinating all re-
ligious and communal questions to the great politico-economic 20
one. The ideal before young India should be neither going to the
golden age of the Vedas, nor saving of the empire of the Khalifa,
but to free the Indian people from the political and economic serf-
dom. The National workers should speak to the Indian masses in
terms of their daily needs—land, bread, housing, clothing, etc, only."
52. Several of the other papers found in Ashfaqullah's box
are important. Ex. P. A-3 is a translation of a
[Side note: Other papers found in Ashfaqullah's box.] letter written to his mother. In this he in-
forms her that he is still in India. ' The time
has not yet come, and I got no opportunity. 30
O. P. 69: Plans are being made'. This clearly implies that he was trying to
leave India. He refers to the attachment of the family property
which had followed his disappearance and asks his mother to sign
and post a letter which he is sending her. This is apparently one
of the letters of which Exh. P. A 10 or P. A 11 are translations. Both
these letters are addressed to the Home Member, United Provin-
ces, in the same strain, and purport to have been written by Ash-
faqullah's mother. He wanted her to send one of these letters
to the press. They deal mainly with the attachment of the family
property. 40
Ex. P. A 5 is a translation of a letter addressed to Maulana
Abdul Majid. It begins by saying that the writer was wandering
from place to place from the 26th September 1925. It asks the ad-
dressee to assist the writer to leave India. Two methods are
suggested; first of all that a passport might be obtained for him
under an assumed name from the Amir with the help of some
influential man of Delhi; secondly that financial assistance might

( 45 )
be obtained from Mohammed, Ali, Doctor Ansari, Hakim Ajmal,
Khan, Maulana Mazharuddin, or 'some other reliable persons.' 'If
I get sufficient money I can escape.' The writer also suggests that
it might be possible for the addressee to get him some employ-
ment as a ship's clerk through some Seth of Bombay. 'I shall get
down in Germany. The traders of Bombay can carry me on their
ship and if I am not recognised by them I shall escape.'
Ex. P. A 6 is addressed to Maulana Abdul Qadir who is a re-
tired Deputy Collector and related to the accused. We have seen
10 how his gun was found at the accused's house. This is couched in
the same strain; the writer is wandering about and is in great need
of money. 'Perhaps I might be able to secure passport through
some assumed name. My life is in danger. Help me............Are
there any means by which I may enter Hyderabad under some O. P. 70.
fictitious name and lead an anonymous life there?' This letter
also suggests that the writer has a claim on the addressee because
of the training the latter had given him and the promises he had
exacted from him, a reference apparently to the influences under
which he had taken part in the non-co-operation movement.
20 Ex. P. A 8 is a translation of a letter addressed by Ashfaqullah
to his sister. It begins 'Accept compliments from one of your se-
parated brothers, whom his relatives call a dacoit, a murderer and
everything.' The writer then proceeds to say that he had hoped
to see her and his brother at Bhopal. He wanted clothes for the
winter and asked her to provide some if she could.
Ex. P. A 9 is a translation of some verses written in Urdu
addressed to 'Bedar' apparently Bhagwati Sahai Bedar M.L.C. who,
as I have already mentioned, was known to some of the conspira-
tors at Shahjahanpur. The translation reads:—
30 'For God's sake some one may carry my message to Bedar.
Why are you so hankering after membership? It was only your
co-operation that sent so many persons to jail; still you consider
yourself to be so great a leader that you are dying for your emi-
nence. We do not entertain any hopes from you, neither do we
trust you; why are the leaders of Swaraj and Congress ruining us.?'
O God, let us see the days when the republic is in full-
40 swing.' In his statement to the Court Ashfaqullah pointed out
that the word which has been translated 'Republic' would be more
correctly translated 'Communism'. The prosecution agreed. This
alters somewhat the significance of the verses but also suggests
that the writer was more interested in the Communist Manifesto
found in his possession (vide para 51) than he admits. I have
already shown that the preaching of communist principles was one
of the main items in the revolutionary programme. O. P. 71.

( 46 )
53. Ashfaqullah appears to have arrived at Delhi about a
fortnight before he was arrested there. The
[Stay at Royal Hotel,] evidence of Sukhdarshan Singh (P. W. 124),
[Delhi, in name of Murari] manager of the Royal Hotel, Delhi, shows
[Mohan.] that Ashfaqullah arrived there on the 25th
August, giving the name of Murari Mohan, and himself wrote
particulars in the hotel book, (Ex. P. A 22,) with his own fountain
pen. A fountain pen was found in his box when he was arrested
(vide Ex. P. A 33) and futher corroboration of the manager's
evidence is furnished by Ex. P. A 34 found at the same time. 10
This is a slip of paper on which is written the name 'Murari
Mohan', and the address which he entered in the hotel book. This
suggests that he was in the habit of changing his name and kept
notes about the names under which he had passed.
54. Banarsi Lal informs us that he and Ashfaqullah were
intimate friends and that this is true is proved
[Association of Ashfaqullah and Banarsi Lal.] by the correspondence between the two found
in Banarsi Lal's house. There was also found
a photograph of the two with Ashfaqullah's arm round Banarsi's
neck, which Banarsi Lal says was taken in 1922 by Ram 20
Prasad (Ex. P. 28). Ex. P. 14 is an undated letter in Urdu to
Banarsi Lal; (Ex. P. 15) is a post card in Hindi to Banarsi, dated
11th December 1923, and Ex. P-16 is a post card in Urdu, dated
17th May 1922 to Banarsi. All of these purport to have been sent
by 'Warsi' which according to Banarsi Lal was the name by which
Ashfaqullah used to sign his letters.
Of these exhibits Ex. P. 14 and P. 15 are important as they
show not only Ashfaqullah's friendship with Banarsi Lal but also
[O. P. 72.] his mentality some time prior to the establishment of the revoluti-
nary society at Shahjahanpur. The correspondence also refers to 30
Ram Prasad and 'brother Raushan', the latter clearly being Rau-
shan Singh accused in the main case, both because Banarsi Lal
says so and because Ex. P. 15 refers to him as having been released
from Jail. In Ex. P 14 Ashfaqullah confides in Banarsi Lal in the
following words :—
"You know very well about my circumstances, and you have
a better idea of my finance, ideas and feelings than any other
friend of mine does, and this is well known to you that I have not
a single shell with me to do any business. Service means killing of
my conscience. You must remember very well that I want to live
free and I worship 'freedom' and I am ready to sacrifice my life
even for a glimpse thereof'. After remarking that he could if he
wished obtain an appointment in the Bhopal State (where his
brother Munnu Khan is employed) he says that "then all my
schemes would be upset". He puts forward another proposal for
which he invites Banarsi's assistance. It is that they should take
up farming, he obtaining land from his mother and Banarsi

( 47 )
providing the capital; " we will live among our brethren culti-
vators, and will carry on our scheme as well and shall have
sufficient money within a few years. Then we would increase our
propaganda on a grand scale and would invite our companions
to join us."
55. Excluding the evidence of the dacoities, the case against
Summary of case against Ashfaqullah is mainly based on the evidence
Ashfaqullah. of the approvers and of Jagdish Chandar, on
the fact that he absconded on the 26th
10 September, 1925 and remained at large despite the attachment
of his property, on his assumption of false names; while he
was absconding, on the letters which he addressed to his
friend Banarsi Lal at the end of 1923 or beginning of
1924 (Ex. P 14 and 15), showing amongst other things his acquain- O. P. 73.
tance with Ram Prasad and Raushan Singh, and on the letters
and papers which were found in his possession at the time of his
arrest. Ex. P 14 is interesting as showing that even at that time
Ashfaqullah was in favour of propaganda among the peasantry.
The freedom of India', he writes, 'depends only on the culti-
20 vators' The manifesto of the Communist Party found in his box
when he was arrested is couched in much the same style. 'The
battle of national freedom' it says, 'is to be fought by the masses.'
That he realised the seriousness of the case against him is shown
by the various methods he suggests for escaping from India and
by the language used by him in his letters to his relatives. To
Abdul Qadir he writes 'My life is in danger'. To his sister he
writes 'Accept compliments from one of your separated brothers
whom his relatives call a dacoit, a murderer and everything.' His
verses to 'Bedar' show that he has no sympathy with the Swaraj
30 party and the concluding line praying for the advent of communism
betrays the influence of Ram Prasad and the authors of the
communistic pamphlets referred to above. His connection with
Ram Prasad is shown by the evidence of the approvers and of
Jagdish Chandar; and by the evidence of Ram Charan (P. W. 62)
Gauri Shankar (P. W. 61) and Inspector B. Parbhu Dayal Singh
(P. W. 64). The slip of paper in Hindi (Ex. P. 259) found with
Ram Prasad has on it (with other names) the name of 'Ashfaq'.
Banarsi Lal has explained that the numbers on this slip of paper
against each name refer to the number of copies of a magazine
40 called 'Parnavir' issued by Ram Prasad to each person named. A
copy of this magazine was found in the house of Kunwar Bahadur
(Ex. P. 66). It is a registered monthly magazine, published at
Nagpur. It deals with political subjects and personalities. The O. P. 74.
copy found with Kunwar Bahadur is for August, 1924 and a 'Tilak'
number.
There are a few more points to be taken into consideration in
connection with the case of Ashfaqullah. Indu Bhushan states that
he went to Ashfaqullah's house on the afternoon of the 26th

( 48 )
September, 1925, because Ashfaqullah had sent for him through
one Khalil. It transpired during the defence evidence that Khalil
is the son of Ashfaqullah's elder brother, Safiullah Khan, (D. W.
21). It is argued by the prosecution that until this admission was
made it was not known who Khalil was and that the mention of
his name by Indu Bhushan shows therefore that Indu Bhushan's
statement could not have been put into his mouth by the police.
It is also argued that Ashfaqullah would not have sent for Indu
Bhushan if he had not known that Indu Bhushan was Ram Prasad's
'post box'. Indu Bhushan says that he found Ashiq (a defence 10
witness) at Ashfaqullah's house. After Ashiq's departure they
talked about the arrests, Ashfaqullah telling him that he had
been warned by a police constable and so had escaped arrest.
Indu Bhushan's story about this is corroborated by a statement of
Ashfaqullah himself in Ex. P. A. 10, one of the letters addressed to
the Home Member which he wanted his mother to send to the
Press. This statement is as follows:—'When he (i. e. Ashfaqullah)
was going, he said that a respectable police officer who was his
friend, had informed him that arrests would be made the following
day and that he should be on his guard, and so he was going 20
away'. Before his arrest at Delhi Ashfaqullah was clearly waiting
for a friend to come and take his letters. Several of the letters
refer to 'the bearer' who will give the addressee further informa-
[O. P. 75.] tion on certain points. Who this friend was has not transpired but
one friend whom Ashfaqullah had been expecting was clearly the
'Ashiq' referred to above. The letter Ex. P. A. 4 found in his
possession and addressed to 'Arfi' reproaches the latter for not
coming before and begs him to come soon. Ashiq Ali (D. W. 20)
admits that he was known by this name. The sentence in the
letter 'I had no explosive substance with me for fear of which you 30
did not come to me' is possibly significant. Ashfaqullah's appeal
in some of the other letters for pecuniary help is explained by the
fact that at the time of his arrest only two annas three pies were
found on him. Lastly there are references to 'Rama' in the letter
to his brother Riyasatullah alias Lallu (Ex. P. A. 3) and in the
letter to Abdul Qadir (Ex. P. A. 6). In the former he says 'You
should come after seeing Rama's father'; in the latter 'you must
be knowing about Rama that he is in the cells of jail'. The natural
inference is that he was referring in both cases to Ram Prasad and
that he was well acquainted with him. 40
56. Inspector Sardar Sundar Singh of the United Provinces
[Search for S. N. Bakshi] C. I. D. (P. W. 95) states that he went to
[and discovery of his] Jhansi in November, 1925, in search of
[trunk at Jhansi.] S. N. Bakhsi and Mukandi Lal. Search had
been made for Bakshi at Benares on the 26th September but with-
out result: The Inspector could not find either Bakshi or Mukandi
Lal at Jhansi. His inquiries showed that Bakshi had been on
friendly terms with one Rudra Narain Singh and he therefore
searched Rudra Narain Singh's house. A letter was found in the

house (Ex. P. 302) addressed to Rudra Narain Singh and
signed S. N. Bakshi. It is dated 8th May 1925. In
this letter the writer said that he had left Jhansi
somewhat hurriedly and had been very busy on an
extensive tour all over the United Provinces. He expected to O. P. 76.
return to Jhansi shortly. There was also found in the house a
trunk (Ex. LVIII) which has been identified by one Chotey Lal
'(P. W. 97) as belonging to Bakhshi. Chotey Lal had let a house on
rent to Bakhshi who had given his name as Satish Chandar Bagchi.
10 When Bakshi left the house it remained unoccupied for some time.
After some months Chotey Lal asked Rudra Narain, who had taken
the house for Bakshi, to vacate it. Rudra Narain did so and Chotey
Lal took a receipt from him for the things which he had removed
from the house. In the third line of this receipt Rudra Narain
began to write some words, and then, after referring to the kiraya-
nama or lease on which the house had been taken, he partially
erased them and wrote the name 'Satish Chandar Bagchi.' Look-
ing through a microscope one can see that the words partially
erased begin 'Sachi.' I have little doubt that Rudra Narain wrote
20 'Sachindra Nath Bakshi' first of all and then it occurred to him that
Bakshi had been passing under the other name. In any case it is
clearly proved that it was Bakshi who had occupied the house and
who owned the trunk.
57. The contents of this trunk are numerous and important.
Contents of trunk. The following is a brief list of the more im-
portant papers found in it :—
Ex. P 286 is a manuscript draft entitled 'Advance State.' This
appears to be an essay on the duties of rulers and was apparently
intended for Indian States.
30 Ex. P 287 contains quotations from the speeches or writings of
Messrs C. R. Das, Bepin Chandra Pal and T. C. Goswami on revo-
lutionary movements. It also contains a quotation from 'Rus ka
kharyantra' advocating the establishment of secret societies in
Russia to destroy the Russian Government.
Ex. P 288 is a paper containing writings, also apparently in O. P. 77.
Bakshi's writing. One paragraph mentions that the revolutionary
pamphlets 'which were circulated in Cawnpore, Allahabad and other
places and have been proscribed by the Government, have at last
been circulated in Jhansi'. 'Numbers were found pasted on trees,
40 local High School buildings and even on the main gate of the Kot-
wali. The police is very eager to search of the culprits.'
Ex. P 289 is a translation of a notice in Hindi appealing for funds
for an athletic association in Jhansi in the name of Bakshi and
Rudra Narain Singh.
Ex. P 290 consists of two pieces of paper on which are writ-
ten the names Jogesh, Suresh, Biswas and Rudra. It can hardly

( 50 )
be a coincidence that the first three are names of Bakshi's alleged
associates : Rudra might of course refer to Rudra Narain Singh
but we have seen that 'Rudra' was also one of the 'society' names
of Ram Prasad.
58. Ex. P 281 is a four page printed pamphlet entitled 'An
[Margin: 'An appeal to the Nationalists.'] appeal to the Nationalists.' It is not dated
but appears to have been written shortly
before the Belgaum Congress meeting at the
end of 1924. The current of thought running through it is very
similar to that in the Manifesto of the Communist party found with
Ashfaqullah. It laments 'the atmosphere of depression and de-
composition' in which the Congress is about to meet at Bel-
gaum, advocates the divorce of religion from politics, attacks
the Swarajist party for entering the Councils and for their
tactics there, attempts to justify revolution, and declares that
the forces which 'make for militant Nationalism, having for
object not a mere administrative adjustment, but the introduc-
tion of a new historical epoch through a great 'socio-political
[Margin: O. P. 78,] convulsion' are the rebellious masses 'which in the aftermath
of the war asserted themselves so over-whelmingly upon the
political situation that the Congress was forced to break away from
its traditional non-revolutionary moorings'. The following extracts
will show the tenor and tone of the pamphlet and may be com-
pared with the extracts quoted from the Communist Manifesto
(Ex. P. A. 35) written probably some time later.
'In India, as in every other country, Nationalism is a revolu-
tionary force; it must therefore pursue a revolutionary course.'
'A recapitulation of the trend of the principal events of the
past twelve months will show that the mythical goddess of Unity,
whom the Belgaum Congress will enshrine, signifies only a great
political reaction'. 'Hindu Moslem Unity which was made a
corner stone of the Non-co-operation Movement........has been
revealed to have been a superficial makeshift. The disastrous
effects of hinging a great political movement of an essentially
revolutionary character, on religious fanaticism and extra-
territorial patriotism are manifest to-day in the communal riots
which spread all over the country despite the frantic efforts of the
leaders to check them.'
'Some of the best elements of the Nationalist ranks are locked
up in jail by a despotic ukase, without provoking any determined
resistance on the part of the Congress. This speaks for the
character of the leadership and the lamentable impotency into
which the Nationalist movement has sunk, in consequence of its
non-revolutionary orientation and reformist policy.'
'Revolution is not an unconstitutional affair. In fact practically
all the modern constitutional states owe their origin to some sort
'of a revolution. India has no constitutional Government. When

( 51 )
one talks of constitution in India, one has in view the British cons- O. P. 7
titution.'
'The goal of Nationalism can never be realised in the way
indicated by those who, in unison with the British Government, are
positively hostile to Revolution. The struggle for freedom of a
subject people can never be separated from revolution. Freedom
will never come as a gift from those who deprived us of it. The
people of India must conquer freedom.'
'The lesson of that period (between Amritsar and Belgaum)
10 is: 1. the Nationalist Movement can become really powerful only
when it is based upon the direct action of the revolutionary
masses: and 2 divorced from the mass energy, the Nationalist
Movement is bound to sink into depression and decomposition.'
'The causes that created the revolutionary ferment of the
post-war years, have not been eliminated. The masses are still
discontented with their condition and will readily rise to free them-
selves from unbearable exploitation.'
'That party alone can command the lasting confidence of the
masses, which, not in words but in deeds, reflects the grievances
20 and demands of the masses. Here again realism should be the
guiding principle. The every day material needs, immediate
economic demands and general earthly well-being should be the
determining factors. Metaphysical prejudices should be set aside.
The appeal then states the following ten cardinal points of the
programme of the National party:—

1. National Independence; Democratic Republic based on
   Universal suffrage;
2. Abolition of Feudalism and Landlordism;
3. Nationalization of land : none but the cultivator will have
   30 the right of landholding;
4. Modernization of agriculture by State aid;
5. Nationalization of Mines and Public Utilities;
6. Development of Modern Industries; O. P. 80.
7. Protection for the Workers, Minimum wage; Eight hour
   day; Abolition of child labour; Insurance; and other advanced So-
   cial Legislation;
8. Free and Compulsory Primary Education;
9. Freedom of Religion and Worship;
10. Right of Minorities.
    40 The appeal concludes as follows:—
    'Brave Patriots. Don't waste your energy in futile terrorism.