१८५७ का स्वातन्त्र्य समर (वीर विनायक दामोदर सावरकर - अंग्रेजों द्वारा छपने से पूर्व प्रतिबन्धित महाग्रन्थ)

THE CONFLAGRATION
Bahadur Khan was still holding out in this city. After
the fall of Delhi and Lucknow, the Revolutionaries had
been pouring into this still independent town of their
party. Mirza Feroz Shah, the brave prince of the Delhi
dynasty, Shrimant Nana Sahib, Moulvie Ahmad Shah,
Shrimant Bala Sahib, Begum Hazrat Mahal, Raja Teja
Singh, and many of the lesser leaders, had retreated into
Rohilkhand and Bareilly, its capital, where still was wav-
ing the flag of a free people. And it was for this very
reason that Sir Colin had vowed vengeance against this
city. But in the Indian camp there was no talk of
making any stand at the city itself, as the leaders of the
Revolution had determined, even according to the general
order they had just issued, to resist the enemy by guerilla
tactics. Their plan was to evacuate the city and get scat-
tered all over the fields of Rohilkhand. All preparations
had been made for leaving the city and only the last order
of evacuation remained to be given. But when the
brave Rohillas actually saw the hated Feringhi just
near the town, the majority of them refused to
evacuate the city without first tasting the steel of
the foe—until, once at least, they had given proof
of their readiness to die for the cause of their
nation and their faith.
The English forces that had surrounded that city were
exceedingly strong. Their artillery was well-equipped and
they had numerous guns ; their cavalry and their infantry
were well-armed and well-disciplined ; and the command
was in the hands of no less a general than the commander-
in-chief Sir Colin Campbell himself. Against these, the
guns of Khan Bahadur Khan could make no impression,
and so, on that 5th of May, the Revolutionary guns had
to be silent and the Revolutionary sword flashed forth.
The sword belonged to the martyr-spirits who, in spite
of the hopelessness of success, nay, in virtue of the hope-
lessness of success, instead of leaving the battle-field, pre-
ferred to embrace death with a smile on their lips and
450

MOULVIE AHMAD SHAH
the unconquered and unconquerable faith in the holiness
of their cause in their heart. To die while fighting in a
good cause is the key to the gates of Heaven, that was
their belief ; and they knew that the cause of the freedom
of a people was one of the best causes for the sake of
which one could lay down one's life. So they unsheathed
their swords and dashed like thunderbolt on the English
forces. With green turbans on their head, with a Kum-
merbund girded round their loins, and a silver ring inscrib-
ed with chosen sentences of the Koran in their finger,
these terrible-looking Ghazis rushed up from the right,
holding their head behind their shields, with their swords
shining aloft in the sun, and shouting wildly their war-cry
of “ Din, Din ! ” They closed with the British troops with
a tremendous shock, and, at this desperate attack, though
they were very few, the British soldiers were startled
and confused and swept away ; the 42nd Highlanders
tried to check their onrush—but the death-dealing Ghazis
still advanced, while some of them even succeeded in
reaching to the rear of the British forces ! Not one of
them returned back—all of them fell while fighting and
mowed down the English soldiery like sheaves before the
scythe ! They fell ; they fell like lions, despising even the
thought of retreat or surrender ; one only fell without be-
ing bayoneted by the enemy. Why ? Wait a minute
and the answer comes ; for, there is coming up to this
spot the Commander-in-Chief of the British forces ; nay,
he has come here ! And just then this martyr, who had
been pretending death, jumps up from among the corpses
and falls on the commander, but alas ! a loyal Sikh stand-
ing by the commander scents this danger and cuts the
Ghazi off ! ²
Of the few instances of the immortal bravery of
martyrdom in the history of the world, none can be
greater than this !
2. Russel's Diary.
451

THE CONFLAGRATION
Next day, having baffled the attack of the British to cap-
ture them, the Revolutionaries, with Khan Bahadur Khan
at their head, marched out of Bareilly on the 7th of May,
1858, and the English forces took possession of the eva-
cuated capital of Rohilkhand.
Disappointed on account of the safe escape of Khan
Bahadur Khan out of his clutches, but still feeling trium-
phant for the capture of Bareilly, Sir Colin was standing
in his mighty camp. Just then, there rose one deafening
cry all over the camp—the cry of "The Moulvie! The
Moulvie!! The Moulvie, again!!!"
It was an extremely surprising design that the Moulvie
was hatching there at the town of Shahjahanpur. Having
baffled Sir Colin, it was not simply to avoid a fight that
Nana Sahib and the Moulvie had left Shahjahanpur. All
the government buildings in the town had been demolished
by the order of Nana Sahib even before they left the
town. The keen-sighted leaders had rightly gussed that
the English commander would leave only a few troops in
Shahjahanpur, and would proceed to Bareilly; and they
had decided that, when he was thus away, the Moulvie
should wheel round and fall on the city, crush the English
forces there, and thus avenge the loss of Bareilly by the
sack of Shahjahanpur. This was their plan and all things
turned up as they guessed. For the British commander
did go to Bareilly, leaving only a small detachment,
though with a strong complement of artillery composed
of four field-pieces. And the English detachment had to
encamp on a plain, unprotected and open, as Nana Sahib
had already caused all fortified places to be pulled down.
On the 22nd of May, Moulvie Ahmad Shah started for
Shahjahanpur by rapid marches, while his prey was in-
dulging in false security. But, after midnight, the forces
of the Moulvie—none can say by whose foolish obstinacy
—stopped for a while within four miles of the town. This
stay made the excellent plan barren of fruits, as "native
452

MOULVIE AHMAD SHAH
spies employed by the British were on the alert, and one
of them flew with the intelligence of his dangerous vicinity
to Colonel Hale at Shahjahanpur." As soon as this
traitorous spy brought the news, the British commander
moved into the newly-built fortified position with his
soldiers. The Moulvie pressed on, though now his prey
was awake and occupying a strong position. He attacked
and occupied the town, captured the fort, and levied a
tax on the rich inhabitants of the place for the supplies
of his forces. Even Malleson admits that, "in acting
thus, he simply conformed to the custom of war in
Europe." Not only this; but in a war of independence,
when a handful of noble spirits offer their fresh blood to
wipe off the shame and slavery of a whole nation, it is
the duty of the people to support them voluntarily. After
taking possession of the town the Moulvie brought eight
guns, and began a cannonade on the fortified place where
his foe was under shelter.
When this news reached Sir Colin at Bareilly on the 7th
of May though he was surprised, his joy knew no bounds.
The lost opportunity, which had worried the Commander-
in-Chief so much ever since the escape of the Moulvie
some days before, seemed now about to be restored by
the action of the Moulvie himself. And therefore, taking
the utmost precaution possible, Sir Colin started by forced
marches to pounce upon his prey. Now, it was clear
that there was no loop-hole whatsoever left through which
the Moulvie Ahmad Shah could escape. From the 11th
of May, for three days there was a continuous fight. It
was, indeed, impossible for the Moulvie to escape. So,
from all sides the different Revolutionary leaders brought
all their forces together, in order to save this most popular
and most energetic of patriots. The Begum of Ayodhya,
Mayyan Sahib, the King of Mahmadi, the Prince Feroze
Shah of Delhi, Nana Sahib of Cawnpore—all these leaders
poured in with their forces, before the 15th of May, to
help the flag of liberty, now in such immediate danger in
453

THE CONFLAGRATION
Shahjahanpur. Thus reinforced, the Moulvie marched
out of Shahjahanpur, warring night and day with his now
discomfited foe, and again escaped the coils that the com-
mander-in-chief had prepared for him. So sure was Sir
Colin of capturing the Moulvie that, in view of the cer-
tainty of the ruin of the Revolutionary party at Shah-
jahanpur, he had already issued orders for dividing his
forces again and sending them to different directions.
And, having dashed to pieces these orders and hopes of
the enemy, where did the Moulvie go? He entered Oudh
—the very province which the English had, after a year's
trouble and bloodshed and with the greatest difficulty,
succeeded in sweeping clear of the Revolutionaries. Sir
Colin conquered Ayodhya—the Moulvie occupied Rohil-
khand; now, Sir Colin comes and conquers Rohilkhand
—the Moulvie wheels back and again occupies Oudh!
In such a dogged manner and with such bravery did the
Moulvie fight with the foreign foe.
The British power is now bent on crushing him and
putting an end to his dangerous activities. Is there any-
one who would assist them in this plight? Whose
sword is mighty enough to kill this powerful head
of the Revolution, whom the sword of Sir Colin
has proved too blunt to cut? What is the best
way to accomplish this end?
What is the best way? There need not be any such
anxiety in the English camp. Is it not true that the Bri-
tish sword had, many a time before the present, proved
equally helpless and unsuccessful in eradicating the
enemies of British power in India? Well then, those
who could and did save England in all those periods of
danger and despair would come forward to save her once
more. If the English sword is too blunt to cut to pieces
this Indian patriot, let the dagger of treachery accomplish
the task!
454

MOULVIE AHMAD SHAH
After his re-entry into Oudh, while trying to offer as
much and as dogged a resistance to the foreigner as he
could, the Moulvie thought it would be a great help to
the new storm that he was preparing to raise in Oudh
if the Raja of Powen would lend the little might he posses-
sed to drive out the alien from the land. With this
purpose, he sent a request sealed with the Royal seal of
the Begum to this Raja at Powen. This tiny Raja was
quite shocked at the mere mention of war and battlefield.
Yet, as treacherous as he was cowardly, he wrote back
that he would like to see the Moulvie personally. In
answer to this invitation, the Moulvie started to see this
Raja. But, to the Moulvie's great surprise, he found the
gates of the town closed and the walls of it guarded by
armed men ; and in the midst of them, he found standing
the Raja Jagannath Singh himself, with his brother by
his side. Though the Moulvie knew the meaning of this
sight, still undaunted, he began to hold a parley with the
Raja. The wretch on the walls of the town was naturally
the last man to appreciate his eloquence. When it became
clear that the crowd was not going to open the gates
willingly, the Moulvie ordered his Mahut to goad on the
elephant on which he was sitting to break open the gates
of the fort. One stroke more of the mighty animal's head
—and the gates would have been forced. But, the brother
of the Raja took aim and Moulvie Ahmad Shah was shot
dead by the hand of that wretched coward ! The fat Raja
and his brother at once came out of the gate, severed the
head of the Moulvie from his body and, covering it up
in a cloth, ran forth to the nearest British Thana, thirteen
miles from the place,—to the city of Shahjahanpur. Here,
the British officers were at their table in the dining-room.
The Raja came in, unpacked the burden which he had
held forth as a trophy, and let roll on the ground, by the
feet of the officers, the head of the Moulvie still gushing
with blood ! Next day, the civilised Britishers hung on
the kotawali the head of an enemy who had fought against
them so bravely and so honourably, and the fat brute of
455

THE CONFLAGRATION
Powen was rewarded with fifty thousand Rupees for this,
his nefarious act of treachery !
As soon as the news of his death reached England, the
relieved Englishmen felt that “ the most formidable enemy
of the British in Northern India was no more ! ” ³ In
person, the Moulvie was tall, lean and muscular, with
large deep-set eyes, beetle brows, a high aquiline nose, and
lantern jaws. The life of this brave Mahomedan shows
that a rational faith in the doctrines of Islam is in no
way inconsistent with, or antagonistic to, a deep and all-
powerful love of the Indian soil ; and that the true believer
in Islam will feel it a pride to belong to, and a privilege
to die for, his mother-country ! Even the English histo-
rian Malleson, in no way inclined to assess rightly—far
less to exaggerate—the virtues of the Revolutionist
leaders, is carried off by his inner feelings and, forgetting
for the moment that he is an Englishman, remarks :
“ The Moulvie was a very remarkable man . . . . Of his
capacity as a military leader many proofs were given dur-
ing the revolt, but none more decisive than those recorded
in this chapter. No other man could boast that he had
twice foiled Sir Colin Campbell in the field ! . . . . Thus died
the Moulvie Ahmad’alláh (sic) of Fyzabad. If a patriot
is a man who plots and fights for the independence,
wrongfully destroyed, of his native country, then most
certainly the Moulvie was a true patriot. He had not
stained his sword by assassination ; he had connived at
no murders ; he had fought manfully, honourably, and
stubbornly in the field against the strangers who had seiz-
ed his country ; and his memory is entitled to the respect
of the brave and true-hearted of all nations.”⁴
3. Holmes’s History of the Indian Mutiny, page 539.
4. Malleson’s Indian Mutiny, Vol. IV, page 381.
456

RANEE LAKSHMI BAI
GIVE up my Jhansi ? I will not. Let him try
to take who dares ! ” With this challenge the
heroic Ranee of Jhansi rose against the British
and as it is recorded in previous parts of this
History she assumed the leadership of the
Revolution, drove the English and began to rule at
Jhansi as the Queen of the province. The forces of
the Revolution had wreaked a bloody vengeance on the
English people and army and left not a trace of their
rule at Sagar, Naogaon, Banda, Banapur, Shahgarh
and Karki. The people everywhere hailed the Queen as
their own. She then busied herself—in restoring order
457

THE CONFLAGRATION
and peace in her liberated province.
The Ranee’s daily life at this period has been described as
follows :—" The Bai got up at five in the morning and
took a bath with fragrant attar. After dressing—and she
generally wore a Chanderi Saree of faultless white—she
would sit for her daily prayers. First, she dropped the
necessary water as a prayaschitta for keeping hair on her
head after her husband’s death ; then, she used to worship
the Tulsi in the Tulsi grove. Then began the Parthiva
Puja at which the Durbar musicians would sing in choir.
Puraniks would then start reading the Puran. Then,
Sirdars and dependants came and she returned their usual
salutes. Being very keen of memory, even if a single man
among the seven hundred and fifty who paid their res-
pects to her in the morning was not present, the very next
day, the Bai would not fail to inquire why he did not
come the previous day. After the worship of God began
the dinner. After dinner, she would take an hour’s siesta
unless there was urgent work to do. Then she would order
the presents of the morning to be brought before her,
which was done on silver trays covered over with silk
cloths. Those things that she liked, she accepted ; the
others were given over to the Kothiwalla (minister of the
presents department) for distribution amongst her ser-
vants. At three she went to the Durbar, when she
usually put on male attire. She wore a pyjama, a coat of
dark blue, a cap on the head, and a beautiful turban on
the top of it, a dupeta of embroidered cloth round the
slender waist, and the sword decked with gems by her
side. Attired in this wise, this fair woman looked like
Gauri herself. Sometimes, she wore the female dress.
After her husband’s death, she never wore nath
or similar ornaments. Her hands had round them bangles
of diamond ; she wore a small necklace of pearls round
her neck and a diamond ring on her little finger. These
were the only jewels worn by the Bai Sahib. Her hair
was gathered up together behind. She wore a white saree
458

RANEE LAKSHMI BAI
and a plain white bodice. Thus, sometimes in male attire
and sometimes in female, the Bai Sahib used to honour
the Durbar by her presence. Those assembled in Durbar
never used to see her person. For the room in which she
sat was separate from, and only opened into, the Durbar
hall. Gold carving adorned the doors, and over these fell
gracefully the chintz curtain, embroidered with gold
cloths. In this room sat the Bai Sahib on a gadi of soft
down, leaning on a soft pillow. Outside the door, two
pages with maces of silver and gold always attended.
Opposite the room, Lakshman Rao Dewanji stood with
a bundle of important documents in his hand, and beyond
him sat the Registrars of the Durbar. Being very keen and
intelligent, the Bai quickly grasped every matter brought
before her, and her orders were clear and definite and to
the point. Sometimes she wrote her orders out herself.
She was very careful in affairs of justice, and decided civil
and criminal cases alike with great ability. Ranee Sahib
worshipped Mahalakshmi devoutly. The temple of that
Goddess was situated on the banks of a lake filled with
lotus flowers, and every Friday and Tuesday the Bai
visited the temple. One day, it so happened that after
the Bai had returned from the temple and was passing
through the south gate, she saw thousands of beggars
blocking the passage and creating a disturbance. So, she
inquired of the Minister, Lakshman Rao Pande, the reason
of this. He inquired and informed her that the people
were very poor, and that they suffered immensely on ac-
count of excessive cold, and that, therefore, they requested
that the Bai would kindly consider their condition. The
Bai felt very grieved for these poor people, and she at
once issued orders—kind-hearted that she was—that, on
the fourth day from thence, a gathering of beggars should
take place, where every one should be provided with a
thick coat and a cap and a blanket either white or black.
The very next day, all the tailors of the town were given
orders to make caps and coats. On the day appointed it
was proclaimed that all the beggars were to gather in
459

THE CONFLAGRATION
front of the palace. Poor people, too, had been included
in this gathering. All were given clothes by the Bai and
they went away satisfied....In the fight with Nathe
Khan when the wounded men were brought into the city,
the Bai herself would insist on being present when their
wounds were being dressed. Her very presence soothed
their pain, and they felt themselves sufficiently rewarded
by the kind and sympathetic interest she took in their
well-being. The Ranee grieved at their grief, gave them
ornaments and medals, patted them, and showed such
sympathy that others, instead of being disheartened at
the sight of these wounded soldiers, felt that they could
even give up their lives for the sake of the Ranee. The
grandeur of the Bai's processions passes description. On
the occasions of the visits to the temple of Mahalakshmi,
she started sometimes in a palanquin, and sometimes
on horseback. When in the palanquin, the palanquin
would be covered with curtains of gold and embroidered
cloths tied with golden ribbon. When she was on horse-
back, in male attire, the end of a thin and beautiful batti
floated on her back and it fitted her admirably. The
national flag of freedom was carried before her, with the
band playing military music. Two hundred Europeans
followed the flag and a hundred horsemen rode before and
behind her. With the palanquin came the karbharis,
ministers, feudatories, and other officers like Bhayya
Sahib Upasane ; and others either rode or followed on
foot. Sometimes troops accompanied the procession.
When the Bai started from the palace, the choughada on
the fort made sweet music. The choughada of the nagar-
khana of Mahalakshmi started at the same time.”¹
And thus, from the Vindhyas to the Jumna, there was not
a vestige of British authority left. Brahmins, Moulvies,
Sirdars, Dorakdars, Sepoys, the police, Rajas, Raos,
bankers, villagers—all were desirous fighting for only one

1. D. B. Parasnis’s Life of Lakshmi Bai, pages 147-151.
   460

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THE BHANDEER GATE at Jhansi through
which the Rani escaped to Kalpi, when
Jhansi was captured by the British forces.
[On scabbard]: झांशीच्या रानी श्रीमंत लक्ष्मीबाई यांची कट्यार
The Dagger
of the Rani.
The Seal of Rani Lakshmibai
of Jhansi.
Two of the famous cannons of Rani Lakshmibai -SHATRU-SAMHAR, and NALDAR, now pres

Gangadhar Rao
alias Baba Saheb
Newalkar, the ruler
of Jhansi and the
consort of Rani
Lakshmibai, ascen-
ded the gadi in 1838,
but actually gained
full powers in 1842.
He was an able
ruler and a great
patron of learning.
During his regime
the State attained a
high degree of pros-
perity. He died in
1853, childless, and
the State was an-
nexed by the British
on the pretext that
there was no direct
heir to the gadi.
This was done in
pursuance of Lord
Dalhousie's "Policy
of Annexation."
GANGADHAR RAO alias BABA SAHEB NEWALKAR OF JHANSI
Narwar Fort (Gwalior).
THE RANI MAHAL—The Palace of Rani Lakshmibai at Jhansi.

This page appears to be entirely blank or unprinted with no legible text visible.

RANEE LAKSHMI BAI
thing, and that was Independence ! And to unite to-
gether these thousand voices in one harmonious whole,
the Lakshmi of Jhansi declared with her sweet but firm
voice, " None can have my Jhansi ; he who dares may try!"
Very rarely had the world heard such a firm " No ! "
Generous and liberal to a fault India has always been
pronouncing and swearing by ' I shall give ! ', " I shall
give ! ", so far. But here was a strange phenomenon to-
day—a set face and a stern voice which said, " I will not
give ! I will not give up my Jhansi ! " Would to heaven,
O Mother, that every one of thy sons and daughters had
said the same ! The Feringhi was taken aback at this
unexpected assertion ; and Sir Huge Rose was sent, with
five thousand armed men and a considerable number of
guns, to gauge the extent of the disturbance and to quell it.
In the beginning of 1858, the English had drawn up a
complete military plan for the reconquest of all the terri-
tory, from the Himalayas to the Vindhyas, which was
under the Revolutionaries. The whole territory was divid-
ed into two portions, and to each of them a huge army
was sent to subdue it. We have in an earlier chapter
described how commander-in-chief Sir Colin Campbell
marched upwards from Allahabad to the north of the
Ganges and the Jumna and, with his big army, conquered
the Doab, and crossed the Ganges and marched on Luck-
now ; how, after destroying Lucknow, he extinguished the
flames of insurrection raging in Behar, in Benares and
round it, and in Oudh ; how he forced all the Revolu-
tionaries into Rohilkhand, where the final engagement
took place, and how, thus, the northern portion of the
territory which was in the hands of the Revolutionaries
was reconquered by the English. While Sir Colin was
advancing from the north of the Jumna towards the Hima-
layas, Sir Hugh Rose advanced to conquer the southern
portion lying between the Jumna and the Vindhyas. In
the north, the Sikhs, the Gurkhas, and other Indian
461

THE CONFLAGRATION
troops and feudatories had joined Sir Colin ; so also in
the south, Sir Huge Rose had on his side the help of the
princes of Hyderabad, Bhopal, and other states. He had,
in addition, got the valuable assistance of the troops of
Madras and Bombay and the Hyderabad contingent. To
mention specially that the Indian troops had joined Sir
Hugh Rose is unnecessary. For, to mention that Sir Hugh
Rose was successful would imply the first proposition.
For the English to obtain a victory, of themselves, is as
impossible as the most impossible thing in the world. The
traitorous Indian troops thus collected together for con-
quering the southern parts were divided into two divisions.
One was under the command of Brigadier Whitlock who
was to start from Jubbulpore and, subduing the provinces
on the way, was eventually to join Sir Hugh Rose. The
other was under Sir Huge Rose himself. As soon as
Whitlock started from Jubbulpore, Sir Hugh was also to
start from Mhow ; he was to advance through Jhansi on
Kalpi. According to the plan of campaign, Sir Huge
started from Mhow on the 6th of January 1858 and, after
a fight, he captured the fort of Raigarh. From thence, he
advanced to Sagar, released the prisoners kept there by
the Revolutionaries, advanced further south, reducing
various positions of the enemy on the way, captured Bana-
pur on the 10th of March, and reconquered the famous
fort of Chanderi. On the 20th of March, the triumphant
English army encamped about fourteen miles from Jhansi.
By these many struggles, bands of Revolutionaries dis-
tributed all over the country from the banks of the Nar-
bada upwards, now crowded into Jhansi ; and that is
why Sir Hugh advanced. with great dispatch on Jhansi
to reduce this stronghold of the Revolutionaries. But
Lord Canning and Sir Colin both issued orders to Sir
Hugh first to relieve the Raja of Charkhari who was being
besieged by Tatia. This order, if he obeyed it, would
have spoiled Sir Hugh's plan of reducing Jhansi. What
was he to do ? He could neither disobey nor find his way
to obey the orders. As, in these trying circumstances,
462

RANEE LAKSHMI BAI
the best interests of the British government lay in advanc-
ing on Jhansi, Sir Robert Hamilton took upon himself
the whole responsibility of disobeying the orders of the
two highest authorities in Hindusthan ; and the British
army, emboldened by a high national feeling, advanced
towards Jhansi, hopeful of victory. But the English army
suffered enormously as soon as they set foot on the soil
of Jhansi. For they found, to their great surprise, that all
the tract of land surrounding Jhansi had been laid waste
by order of the Queen in order that the enemy should have
no supplies of any sort. Not a blade of corn in the fields,
not a vestige of grass on the meadows, not a tree which
could afford shelter; So had William of Orange, when there
appeared to be a possibility of the Netherlands falling into
the hands of the Spanish tyrant and invader, ordered that
the dykes be opened and the sea let in, rather than that
the country should fall in the hands of the enemy. And
this day Jhansi had adopted a similar course.
The same terrible thunder is in her voice ; her eyes are
spouting forth the red flames of anger ! Mardan Singh,
Raja of Banapur, the enraged chief of Shahagarh, the
brave Thakurs, with their lives in their hands, Sirdars of
Bundelkhand, resolute as ever, with their many followers
—all these hot incendiary elements in the interior of
Jhansi are burning and flame-red. The flames leap up
even as the Jaripatka ; and look, the central figure of the
whole fight is there, shining above all ! Aye, she is the
central idea, the flashing impersonation of Swaraj ! She is
the inspiration, she is the incarnation of Liberty !
In spite of the barrenness of the country around, the
English approached Jhansi. For, thanks to the loyalty
of the Scindia and the Raja of Tehri, the force was
throughout the operations abundantly supplied with grass,
firewood, and vegetables.² As the Scindia and the Raja
2. Malleson's Indian Mutiny, Vol. V, page 110.
463

THE CONFLAGRATION
of Tehri are helping the Feringhis, surrounded as you are
by treachery and disloyalty, betrayed by relations as by
strangers, you have not the slightest hope of success. Why
not then avoid extinction by surrendering to the English ?
But, surrender ? And for the Ranee of Jhansi ? Dewan
Lakshman Rao, Moro Punt Tambe, brave Thakurs and
Sirdars, all heroes of Liberty, if you surrender, you will be
saved ; if you fight, you will die. Which will you choose ?
Jhansi answered from her thousand mouths, sternly, in
the words of the Scripture, “ As everyone who is born
must die, why sully fair fame uselessly ? ”
So, it was determined to give battle to the English for
the honour of the country. And Jhansi was busy by
night and by day preparing for the fight. Brave men,
there were many in her army ; but trained men, there
were very few. Want of discipline was very apparent.
The queen herself, however, led the whole army. On
every rampart and every gate, she was moving about
actively ; she was standing where guns were being planted
and moved into position ; she was busy selecting clever
gunners ; and she was to be found everywhere inspiring
heroism even in the coldest hearts. The learned Brahmins
of Jhansi were praying for the success of the country. Its
temples blessed the soldier who went to the field, and
tended the wounded who returned from battle ; its work-
men were busy preparing ammunition and other neces-
saries for war. The men of Jhansi manned their guns,
loaded the muskets ; its women carried ammunition, built
Top Khanas, supplied provisions.³ When the night of
the 23rd fell, sounds of battle-drums were heard through-
out the town and lighted torches shone forth at frequent
intervals from the fort. The guards fired a few shots too.
The morning of the 24th approached. No more delay
3. “The women were seen working in the batteries and carry-
ing ammunition, etc.”—Sir Hugh Rose.
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RANEE LAKSHMI BAI
now! The Ghanagarj (thunder-clap) gun began its
work. The noise made by that gun was terrific.
We shall quote an eye witness's account of the early stages
of the siege.
"From the 25th, the engagement began in right earnest.
The enemy poured in a heavy fire all day and night. In
the night came cannon-balls on the fort and the city.
The sight was terrible to see. A cannon-ball of fifty or
sixty pounds weight would look as small as a tennis ball
but red like live charcoal. During the day one could
not see these balls clearly for daylight, but in the night,
they were clearly visible and gave a weird appearance to
the night. On the 26th, at midday, the English silenced
the guns on the southern gate, and not a man could make
a stand there. All men in the field were nearly dishearten-
ed at this. Then, the gunner on the western gate moved
the gun round and fired at the enemy; the third shot
killed the best gunner in the English army, and the Eng-
lish gun was silenced, in its turn. At this, the Bai Sahib
was very pleased and presented the gunner with a silver
anklet. The name of the brave gunner was Gulam Ghose
Khan. He had displayed similar skill in the engagement
with Nathe Khan also.
"On the fifth or the sixth day, the same sort of engage-
ment took place. For four or five hours, the Bai's guns
were working wonders and the English lost heavily. Many
of their guns, too, were silenced for some time. Then
again, the English guns would be more vigorous, and the
Jhansi troops would be disheartened and their guns silenc-
ed. On the seventh day, at sunset, the gun to the left
was disabled. None could stand there. The battlement
was destroyed owing to the enemy's fire. But in the
night, eleven masons were brought under cover of blankets
to the walls of the fort, and the work was completed
before the day dawned. Thus, the battlement was re-
465
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