सामग्री पर जाएँ
सर्वकोश
द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

The Indian Struggle 1920-1934 by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस द्वारा

DevanagariHindipublished339 पृष्ठ

पृष्ठ 64, कुल 339 में से

संदर्भ में पढ़ें
पृष्ठ 64

66 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE
Patna (in Bihar), Calcutta and Dacca (in Bengal). Some of
these were for literary education, while others were for
technical or medical education—but spinning was compulsory
in all of them. In many places there were separate institutions
for girls. Many of these institutions still exist and some of
them are in a flourishing condition. Besides these educa-
tional institutions, another set of institutions spontaneously
grew up all over India. These were called ‘Ashramas.’ Built
on the model of the hermitages of old, they were homes for
the whole-time political workers. New recruits were also
trained there and the local office of the Congress would often
be housed in the same premises. The Ashramas also served
sometimes as centres for spinning and weaving. From these
centres, raw cotton and yarn would be distributed among the
spinners and weavers and would be received back as yarn
and cloth respectively. In many Ashramas there would also
be a reading-room and a library for the use of the Congress
workers and of the local public.
In the programme of progressive non-co-operation adopted
at Nagpur in December, 1920, there was, besides the triple
boycott, an item regarding the renunciation of titles conferred
by—and resignation of all posts held under—the Government.
A comparatively large number of men gave up their titles
but an insignificant number resigned their jobs and among
the latter was myself. I had passed the Indian Civil Service
in England in 1920, but finding that it would be impossible
to serve both masters at the same time—namely the British
Government and my country—I resigned my post in May
1921, and hurried back to India with a view to taking my
place in the national struggle that was then in full swing. I
reached Bombay on July 16th and the same afternoon I
obtained an interview with Mahatma Gandhi. My object
in seeking the interview was to get from the leader of the
campaign I was about to join, a clear conception of his plan
of action. During the last few years I had made some study
of the methods and tactics employed by revolutionary leaders
in other parts of the world and in the light of that knowledge
I wanted to understand the Mahatma’s mind and purpose.
I remember vividly the scene of that afternoon. On arriving