सामग्री पर जाएँ
सर्वकोश
द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

The Indian Struggle 1920-1934 by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस द्वारा

DevanagariHindipublished339 पृष्ठ

पृष्ठ 334, कुल 339 में से

संदर्भ में पढ़ें
पृष्ठ 334

348 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE
aspects. For instance, so far as the monetary problem is
concerned, Communism has made no new contribution, but
has merely followed traditional economics. Recent ex-
periences, however, indicate that the monetary problem of
the world is still far from being satisfactorily solved.
While, therefore, it would be safe to predict that India will
not become a new edition of Soviet Russia, one may say with
equal strength that all the modern socio-political movements
and experiments in Europe and in America will have con-
siderable influence on India's development. Of late, India
has been taking and in future will continue to take, more and
more interest in what goes on in the outside world.
To come back to the Congress. The present controversy
between Mahatma Gandhi and Pandit Madan Mohon Mala-
viya is of passing interest as the issue is a very minor one.
Neither the Congress Nationalist Party nor the official Con-
gress Parliamentary Party has a rôle to play in future, because
both of them are heterogeneous parties without any clear
ideology or programme. It only remains to consider the
future of Gandhiism in India. It has been urged sometimes
that Gandhiism is an alternative to Communism. This idea
is, in the opinion of the writer, erroneous. Mahatma Gandhi
has given the country—(and may be, the world) a new method
—the method of passive-resistance or Satygraha or non-violent
non-co-operation. He has not given his country or humanity
a new programme of social reconstruction as Communism has
—and the alternative to Communism can be only another
theory of social reconstruction. No doubt, the Mahatma has
condemned the ‘machine civilisation’ of the modern world
and has eulogised the good old days when men were content
with their cottage industries and their wants were few. But
that is a personal belief or idiosyncrasy. Whenever he has
expounded the contents of Swaraj, he has spoken in the
language of Mid-Victorian Parliamentarian Democracy and
of traditional capitalist economics. The ‘Eleven Points’
which he enunciated in 1930 as connoting his ‘substance of
independence,’ will be unreservedly accepted by any Indian
industrial magnate. One could therefore say that the Mahatma
does not intend pulling down the modern industrial structure