द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

346 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE
any cost. There is no middle road between Fascism and Com-
munism. One has to choose between the two and I choose the
Communist ideal. In regard to the methods and approach to
this ideal, I may not agree with everything that the orthodox
Communists have done. I think that these methods will
have to adapt themselves to changing conditions and may
vary in different countries. But I do think that the basic
ideology of Communism and its scientific interpretation of
history is sound.'
The view expressed here is, according to the writer,
fundamentally wrong. Unless we are at the end of the
process of evolution or unless we deny evolution altogether,
there is no reason to hold that our choice is restricted to two
alternatives. Whether one believes in the Hegelian or in the
Bergsonian or any other theory of evolution—in no case need
we think that creation is at an end. Considering everything,
one is inclined to hold that the next phase in world-history
will produce a synthesis between Communism and Fascism.
And will it be a surprise if that synthesis is produced in
India? The view has been expressed in the Introduction
that in spite of India's geographical isolation, the Indian
awakening is organically connected with the march of progress
in other parts of the world and facts and figures have been
mentioned to substantiate that view. Consequently, there
need be no surprise if an experiment, of importance to the
whole world, is made in India—especially when we have seen
with our own eyes that another experiment (that of Mahatma
Gandhi) made in India has roused profound interest all over
the world.
In spite of the antithesis between Communism and
Fascism, there are certain traits common to both. Both
Communism and Fascism believe in the supremacy of the
State over the individual. Both denounce parliamentarian
democracy. Both believe in party rule. Both believe in the
dictatorship of the party and in the ruthless suppression of all
dissenting minorities. Both believe in a planned industrial
reorganisation of the country. These common traits will form
the basis of the new synthesis. That synthesis is called by the
writer 'Samyavada'—an Indian word, which means literally