द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

338 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE
Mahatma was a spent force and that a mass movement under
the leadership of the Congress was highly improbable.
Owing to this feeling a section of the youths began to prepare
for independent action on their own behalf on revolutionary
lines. Thus it was that the Chittagong Armoury Raid took
place. This activity was, however, restricted to a very small
area and when the Mahatma launched his movement early in
1930, the youths all over the province were drawn towards it.
For the subsequent development of the revolutionary move-
ment in Bengal, and for the repeated acts of terrorism, the
Government themselves were to blame more than anyone
else. Whether in Midnapore or in Dacca or in Tipperah
District, in each case atrocities committed by the agents of
the Government and the failure of the public to secure any
redress by constitutional means were responsible for provok-
ing people to acts of terrorism as a retaliation. Even the
subsequent acts of terrorism in Chittagong District should
be attributed not to a desire to work up a revolution in the
country but to a desire to retaliate against what the revolu-
tionaries regarded as acts of official terrorism.
The question arises here—Is it possible in the circumstances
to come to an understanding with the revolutionaries? Yes,
it is, provided the approach is made in the right way and the
intentions are really sincere. A broad mind is required for
an understanding of the problem and courage is needed for
solving it. A direct negotiation with the Party is indispensable.
This necessity would not have arisen if Mahatma Gandhi or
any other public leader had volunteered to be their spokes-
man. Since that is not possible, direct negotiation is the only
alternative.
It is generally urged by police-officers, that the revolu-
tionaries are out for the severance of the British connection
and that they are altogether irreconcilable. There is no
doubt that the revolutionaries stand for independence; but so
also does the Indian National Congress. If an understanding
could be attempted with the Congress, it could be equally
done with the former. In 1931, the then Governor of Bengal,
Sir Stanley Jackson, thought it desirable to make the attempt
and he used the late Mr. J. M. Sengupta as an intermediary.