द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)
The Indian Struggle 1920-1934 by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose
नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस द्वारा
पृष्ठ 319, कुल 339 में से
संदर्भ में पढ़ेंTHE WHITE PAPER 321
referred to, which is a condition precedent to the inauguration
of the Federation—will manage currency and exchange
according to the dictation of London. To administer the
Indian railways with their vast resources, there will be a
Statutory Railway Board which will be so composed, as 'to
perform its duties on business principles and without being
subject to political interference.' In the composition of the
Railway Board, the people will have no voice whatsoever.
Lastly, there is a very important provision meant to preserve
intact the vested interests of the British Mercantile com-
munity. The Federal Legislature or the Provincial Legis-
lature will have no power to make laws subjecting any British
subject domiciled in (or company incorporated in) the United
Kingdom to any disability or discrimination in the exercise
of certain specified rights—for instance—the right to enter,
travel and reside in any part of British India; to hold property
of any kind, to carry on any trade or business in, or with the
inhabitants of, British India and to appoint and employ at
discretion agents and servants for any of the above purposes.
Such restrictions on legislation do not exist even to-day.
The Indian Legislative Assembly to-day, for instance, can
enact laws giving Indians special advantages in the matter
of business and trade though they could be subsequently
vetoed by the Governor-General. It appears that the
British Government want to prohibit altogether legislation
like the Indian Coastal Shipping Bill, which sought to
reserve the coastal trade of India for Indian Shipping Com-
panies.
With regard to the 'fundamental rights' which Indian
public opinion so strongly demanded, the White Paper says:
'His Majesty's Government see serious objections to giving
statutory expression to any large range of declarations of this
character, but they are satisfied that certain provisions of this
kind such for instance as the respect due to personal liberty
and rights of property and the eligibility of all for public
office, regardless of differences of caste, religion, etc., can
appropriately, and should, find a place in the Constitution
Act.' There is no mention in this connection of such elemen-
tary rights as freedom of speech, freedom of association, etc.
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