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सर्वकोश
द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

The Indian Struggle 1920-1934 by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस द्वारा

DevanagariHindipublished339 पृष्ठ

पृष्ठ 277, कुल 339 में से

संदर्भ में पढ़ें
पृष्ठ 277

THE FIGHT RESUMED 279
to the depressed classes for each of such reserved seats by
the method of the single vote. The provision for a primary
election, to be in operation for ten years, was insisted on by
Dr. Ambedkar (who had been nominated by the Government
to the Round Table Conference) though before the Simon
Commission and at the first Round Table Conference, he
had demanded reservation of seats for the depressed classes
on the basis of a common electorate for all Hindus. Mr.
M. C. Rajah, a prominent leader of the depressed classes
had, on the contrary, consistently stood for reservation of
seats for his community on the basis of a common electorate.
Earlier in the year he had entered into a pact with Dr.
Moonje, President of the Hindu Mahasabha, on this basis.
This pact—known popularly as the Rajah-Moonje Pact—was
however opposed by Dr. Ambedkar and his followers and on
that ground it was not accepted by the British Government.
As long as the Mahatma was on fast, rational thinking was
completely suspended and the one thought of his country-
men was how to save his life. Once he was out of danger,
people began to examine the Poona Agreement in the cold
light of reason. Then it was realised that while the Communal
Award had provided 71 seats in the Provincial Legislatures
for the depressed classes, the Poona Agreement had provided
148. These additional seats would be given them at the
expense of the rest of the Hindu community. In provinces
like Bengal, where Hindus had already been unjustly treated
in the award, the Poona Agreement was regarded as a further
injustice by the rest of the Hindu community—particularly
in view of the fact that the depressed classes problem
hardly existed there. Moreover, it was realised that the
Poona Agreement had not done away with separate electorate
altogether. People began to ask seriously if after all it was
worth while for Mahatma Gandhi to have staked his life for
such an issue, especially when the Communal Award was from
start to finish an objectionable document.
But whatever may be the permanent value of the Poona
Agreement, there is no doubt that the fast of Mahatma
Gandhi had a permanent and far-reaching effect in rous-
ing the conscience of the Hindu community. It was a