सामग्री पर जाएँ
सर्वकोश
द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

The Indian Struggle 1920-1934 by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस द्वारा

DevanagariHindipublished339 पृष्ठ

पृष्ठ 242, कुल 339 में से

संदर्भ में पढ़ें
पृष्ठ 242

244 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE
Mahatma from agreeing to separate electorates and forced
him to wriggle out of the uncomfortable situation in which
he had placed himself.¹ Soon after this, the Mahatma issued
a public statement saying that he could not accept the
demands made by the communalist Moslem leaders, since the
Nationalist Moslems were opposed to them.
The atmosphere in Delhi was then (i.e., in April 1931) full
of intrigue. Though Lord Irwin was inspired by a sincere
desire for a settlement, there were many officials who were
against it. These diehard elements were encouraged by the
impending departure of Lord Irwin from India and the
advent of Lord Willingdon, who had the reputation of being
a strong man. While we were in Delhi, information reached
us from a reliable source as to the tactics that the British
Government would follow at the Round Table Conference.
We were told that every effort would be made to drag Mahatma
Gandhi at the very outset into minor issues with a view to
getting the Indians to fight among themselves, so that they
would not be able to combine against the British Government
over the major issues. I duly conveyed to the Mahatma this
information for what it was worth. He said in reply that
his plan was to meet the authorities concerned soon after his
arrival in London and try to obtain satisfaction from them
on the major issues. If he felt satisfied, he would go into the
minor issues—otherwise his work in England would end
there and then. Unfortunately, when Mahatma Gandhi was
in England, the minorities problem assumed the greatest
importance and all the major problems were put aside.
Events took place exactly as it had been prophesied in April
at Delhi.
On April 18th, Lord Irwin's tenure of office came to an
end. Before leaving Delhi he made an exceedingly conciliatory
speech at the Chelmsford Club. Though a prominent member
of the Conservative Party, he had proved himself to be a
well-wisher of India. After Lord Ripon, no Viceroy had
adopted such a friendly attitude towards the Indian people
as he had. That he could not do more for India was due
¹ In the light of these facts, the attitude of the Nationalist Moslems in
1934 to the Prime Minister's Communal Award is inexplicable.