सामग्री पर जाएँ
सर्वकोश
द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

The Indian Struggle 1920-1934 by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose

नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस द्वारा

DevanagariHindipublished339 पृष्ठ

पृष्ठ 186, कुल 339 में से

संदर्भ में पढ़ें
पृष्ठ 186

188 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE
would in future be put into either of three classes—A, B
and C or Divisions I, II, and III respectively. C class
prisoners would be treated exactly like ordinary criminals;
B class prisoners would be treated slightly better than C class
in the matter of food, letters, interviews and other facilities
—while A class prisoners would be treated somewhat better
than B class. The distinction at the time of classification
would be made according to the social status of the prisoner.
When these rules were applied in practice, it was found that
at least 95 per cent. of the political prisoners were classed as
C; about 3 or 4 per cent. were classed as B and less than 1 per
cent. as A. The effect of the new rules therefore was to give
somewhat better treatment to a microscopic minority in
order to break the solidarity of the political prisoners. The
principle of 'divide and rule' was thus extended to the domain
of prison administration. The only welcome feature in the
new rule was that it abolished in theory the classification of
certain prisoners as 'European,' who used to get better food,
clothing and accommodation than Indians of the highest
rank. In practice, however, the writer has personally seen
that in many provinces, e.g., Bengal, Central Provinces and
Madras, the facilities previously enjoyed by 'European'
prisoners are still being continued. And in the Madras
Penitentiary, where the writer was confined for two months
in 1932, he even found the placard 'European Ward' in front
of the ward occupied by 'European' prisoners and on his
objecting to it, the placard was removed. In this connection
it should be admitted that when the new rules were drafted,
the Assembly members, including the Swarajists, did not
put up the opposition expected of them. And some members
like Mr. Jinnah, who had no experience of prison life, even
thought that the new rules would prove to be a blessing.
As has been already remarked, the years 1928 and 1929
witnessed an unprecedented awakening among the youths.¹
¹ This was followed immediately by a similar awakening among women.
In Bengal the Deshbandhu had started in 1921 the 'Nari Karma Mandir'
for training women for national service. After his death this institution
ceased to exist. In 1928 when the writer resumed his public activities,
a political organisation for women was started under the name of the
'Mahila Rashtriya Sangha' in Calcutta, which was followed by many other
organisations all over the country.