महाराणा सांगा: द हिन्दूपत (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य एवं खानवा महायुद्ध इतिहास)

Maharana Sāngā.
but offered to continue to serve him.¹
The weak Sultan, however, left Mandu²
and fled towards Gujarāt. With the help
of a Rajput named Kishna, he reached
the village of Bhakorah, on the frontiers
of Gujarāt, where the Gujarāt governor
of Dohud received him hospitably and
reported the matter to Sultan Muzaffar
Shah at Ahmadabad. The latter sent
Mahmud "the white canopy and the
scarlet pavilion," signs of royalty, and
a considerable body of troops. In a few
days, Sultan Muzaffar himself followed
with his army to reinstate Mahmud on
his throne. Medni Rai expressed his
sorrow at the folly of Mahmud in
thus compromising the honour³ of Malwa,
¹ Brigg's Ferishta, Vol., IV, page 259.
² Ibid, page 259. Ferishta calls the Sultan
"a fool in the cabinet."
³ The Mirati Sikandari says that though
Mahmud fled, Medni Rai made no difference what-
ever in the expenses of Mahmud's harem. Provisions
and clothes, perfumes and money were supplied
as before, and eunuchs attended to it as usual.
Medni Rai declared in open Durbar that he had done
nothing disloyal, and that they should write to the
Sultan to return and assume care of the country and
appoint another Vazier.—Bayley's Gujarāt, pp. 262-263.
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Maharana Sāngā.
but finding that Mahmud was incorri-
gible, he left a garrison in Mandu for the
defence of the fort and himself went
to Chitor to appeal to the Maharana
for aid. The Maharana only promised
to march to his frontiers and await
developments and to see that no harm
was done to Medni Rai. He reached
Sarangpur, but hearing that Mandu had
fallen and that Mahmud had again assumed
government he returned with Medni Rai
to Chitor, as there was nothing further
to be done. He, however, bestowed on
Medni Rai the pargannahs of Gagrone,
Chanderi and some others. Medni Rai's
son, Bhimraj,¹ took up his residence at
Gagrone. Sultan Muzaffar Shah also
returned to Gujarāt, leaving a strong force
under Asaf Khan in Malwa to support
Mahmud Khilji.
Sultan Mahmud was a prince not
only weak and incapable but devoid of
¹ Mehta Nainsi in his Chronicles, says that
Maharana Sāngā had conquered Chanderi from Baghela
Mukand of Bardhwa.
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Maharana Sāngā.
common sense, political foresight and
judgment. Encouraged by the presence of
troops left for his protection by the
Sultan of Gujarāt, he determined to
invade the territory of Medni Rai, and
in S. 1575 (H. 925 = A. D. 1519) marched
against Gagrone. As Medni Rai held
this district along with others as a fief
from Maharana Sāngā, the latter resolved
to punish Sultan Mahmud for this
temerity : for, while the latter’s conduct
towards Medui Rai gave evidence of his
ungratefulness and want of sense, this
attack on Gagrone showed that he was
incapable of appreciating the forbearance
and restraint of the Maharana, and was
quite unmindful of the rights of peaceful
neighbours. Maharana Sāngā advanced
with a large army from Chitor reinforced
by the Rathors of Merta under Rao
Viramdeva, and met Sultan Mahmud
Khilji, accompanied by the Gujarāt auxilia-
ries under Asaf Khan. The Sultan’s forces
fought bravely but could not withstand
the furious onslaught of the Rajputs and
sustained a complete defeat. Most of
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Maharana Sāngā.
his officers were killed and the army was
nearly annihilated. Asaf Khan's son was
killed, and Asaf Khan himself sought safety
in flight. Sultan Mahmud was taken
prisoner, wounded and bleeding. The
noble Maharana had him removed with
care to his own camp, where his wounds
were carefully dressed and properly treated.
He was then removed to Chitor, where
he remained a prisoner for three months.
Every comfort was provided for him, and
when his wounds were healed up and
he was restored to health, the high-souled
Maharana, with a magnanimity unique in
the annals of warfare, not only set him
free¹ but restored his dominions to him,
and sent him to Mandu with a strong
Rajput escort.
The Maharana used to treat Sultan
Mahmud with great courtesy and friendship,
so far at times as to make him sit on a
¹ A poet says :—
राहां पकड़ छोड़बो सांगा थारे हांसां खेल हमीरह‌रा.
"Sāngā, descendant of Hammir, to capture and set
free kings is a joke and play for thee.
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Maharana Sāngā.
portion of his own gaddi in the Darbār.
One day while the Sultan was so seated,
some flowers were brought up, and the
Maharana taking up, a turra (bunch) was
about to give it to the Sultan, when the
latter said that there were two ways of
giving a thing, either to hold your hand up
and bestow it on an inferior or to keep your
hand low and tender it to a superior. The
latter course, continued the Sultan, was
out of the question, he being the Maharana's
prisoner. Nevertheless the Maharana might
remember that it was not for him (Sultan)
to extend his palm like a suppliant merely
for a bunch of flowers. The Chief of the
Hindus was pleased to hear this from the
Sultan and generously said that half the
kingdom of Malwa went with the bunch of
flowers.¹ The Sultan was filled with joy at
this condescension of the Maharana, and
gladly extended his palm and took the
flowers. The third day the Maharana bade
farewell to the Sultan and sent him with
an escort to Mandu and seated him on
¹ Mehta Nainsi's Chronicles.
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Maharana Sāngā.
the throne. As a mark of subjection,
the Sultan yielded to the Maharana as
nazrana the jewelled crown and belt
left as a family heirloom by Sultan
Hoshang, the first king of Malwa.
The Maharana also kept at Chitor a son
of the Sultan as hostage for his future
good conduct.
It is difficult to characterise this
clemency of the Maharana as a piece of
sound policy. Though the historian Abul
Fazal gives unstinted praise to the Maha-
rana, and Nizam-ud-din Ahmad, the bigoted
author of Tabqati Akbari, extols this act
as an act of unprecedented munificence and
magnanimity, yet, judged by its political
results, the act has proved injurious to
the national cause of the Rajputs. A true
Rajput, however, is ordinarily incapable of
taking a coldly political view of things.
He is a hero, not a politician. Chivalry
is his profession. His ideal is "to die
well in battle," not "to win it." The one
aim of a true Rajput is "to make his
mother's milk resplendent," to perform
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Maharana Sāngā.
deeds of valour and "die a glorious
death," not to win a battle by skill,
strategy or scheming. A true khshtriya
(Hindu warrior) never hits below the belt or
behind the back, and he warns the enemy
before he attacks him. The ideals that
nurture his soul are spiritual, not material;
not "of the earth, earthy"; they are
higher, nobler than those which animate
other races or nations. They produce men
of sublime character but not successful
men of business. "To spare a prostrate
foe is the creed of the Hindu cavalier,"
says Colonel Tod, "and he carries all such
maxims to excess." He recks not of the
grave consequences which follow an act
of political indiscretion. He displays when-
ever occasion occurs, generosity, magna-
nimity and charity to match his heroism
in war, exhibiting an utter disregard
of self, hoping thereby to leave an example
of a life nobly ended, to be admired by
posterity.
Generosity towards a foe whose enmity
is implacable, whose hatred is unquenchable,
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Maharana Sāngā.
whose ideals are low, whose one aim is
to destroy all who oppose him, to whom
destruction of an alien is enjoined by
his faith, is an act of folly, suicidal in
its effect, and fatal to the cause of the
nation. But the latter-day Hindu judges
an act not by its consequences but only
by its theoretical character. This fatal
defect in the character of the Hindus
led to their political subjection to people
of much inferior moral calibre and much
lower civilization, such as those that came
from the north-west. This feature of
his character finds illustration through-
out history. If the cruel Hun invader,
Mihirgula, had not been set free and
sent home after his defeat and capture
by King Bālāditya of Magadha, about 528
A. D.; if Shahbuddin Ghori, (Muhammad
Bin Sām) had not been liberated after
his defeat and capture by the chivalrous
emperor Prithviraj, in the nineties of the
twelfth century; if Mahmud Khilji I of
Mandu had not been set free by Maharana
Kumbha, about 1440 A. D.; if Mahmud
Khilji II had not been liberated and
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Maharana Sāngā.
escorted back to the throne of Mandu
after his defeat and capture, in A. D.
1519; if the chivalrous Maharana Raj
Singh had not spared Aurangzeb when
he was completely surrounded by the
Rajputs; and if Aurangzeb's son, Prince
Muazzam, had not been permitted to depart
unmolested when at the absolute mercy
of the heir of Mewar (Jai Singh) during
Aurangzeb's thirty years' war with the
Rajputs, the history of India would in all
probability have taken a different course.
"But for repeated instances of an ill-judged
humanity," says Colonel Tod, "the throne
of the Moghuls might have been completely
overturned." ¹
¹ Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. I,
page 379.
77

CHAPTER VIII.
────────
INVASION AND CONQUEST OF GUJARĀT.
OWING to his failure to cope with Rai
Mal, Nasrat-ul-mulk was removed from
the government of Idar by Sultan Muzaffar
Shah, who appointed “in his place, Malik
Husein Bahmani, entitled Nizam-ul-mulk, a
man renowned for bravery.”¹
It is said that one day (1520 A. D.) a
Bhat (minstrel) extolled the bravery and
generosity of Maharana Sāngā in open
Durbar in Nizam-ul-mulk’s presence and
said : “He protects Rai Mal, the Raja of
Idar, and though you may stay a little
while in Idar, it will eventually come
back into the hands of Rai Mal.” This
slap on the face of the governor by a
common minstrel roused his anger and he
exclaimed, “How can Sāngā protect Rai
¹ Bayley’s Gujarāt, p. 264.
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Maharana Sāngā.
Mal?" adding, "Here I sit : why does he not
come?" The bard replied that he was coming
soon, on which Nizam-ul-mulk used dis-
respectful language towards the Maharana.
When this incident came to the know-
ledge of the Maharana he decided to invade
Gujarāt and punish the impertinent governor
of Idar. Sultan Muzaffar Shah of Gujarāt on
being apprised of the Maharana's invasion,
sent reinforcements under Asad-ul-mulk,
Ghazi Khan, Shuja-ul-mulk and Saif Khan,
to Nizam-ul-mulk. He appointed Qiwam-ul-
mulk, governor of his capital Ahmadabad,
to bear the brunt, and himself retired to
Muhammadabad instead of advancing to
meet the Maharana.
The Maharana started with 40,000 horse
and infantry and soon arrived at Vāgadh,
where Rawal Udai Singh of Dungarpur
joined him with his forces. Rao Ganga of
Jodhpur with 7,000 men, and Rao Viram-
deva of Merta with 5,000 Rajputs, also
joined the Maharana here.² From Vāgadh
² Chaturkula Charitra, p. 25. Rao Viramdeva had
married Rana Rai Mal's daughter—Sanga's sister.
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Maharana Sāngā.
the Maharana came down swiftly upon
Idar. Nizam-ul-mulk (now entitled Mubariz-
ul-mulk) was alarmed at the news of Sāngā's
advance towards Idar, and forgetting his
vaunt, fled to the safe refuge of the fort of
Ahmadnagar. The Maharana arrived at
Idar the day following Mubariz-ul-mulk's
flight. After reinstating Rai Mal on the
throne of Idar,¹ thus restoring his patri-
mony to him, the Maharana started in
pursuit of Mubariz-ul-mulk and laid siege to
Ahmadnagar. Dunger Singh Chauhan, a
notable Rajput officer of the Maharana's
army² was seriously wounded in the assault.
¹ The Maharana demolished the great mosque at
Idar and built a temple in its place.
मेलैदल सबलकलाधर मोकळ ।
नांम सुणैं सुरताणा नाद ॥
ईडर थकी मजीत ऊथापे ।
पै इडर थपया प्रसाद ॥
(O! powerful Rana Sāngā, following the example
of Mokal, thou subjugateth Sultans and listeneth to their
humble voice. Thou hast demolished the mosque of
Idar and built in its place a temple).
² Mehta Nainsi says that Dungersi was a great
Rajput, and had remained in Vagadh (Dungarpur) for
some time and that Maharana Sāngā conferred Badnor
on him. He adds that his sons and nephews all lost their
lives in the siege of Ahmadnagar.
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Maharana Sāngā.
His son, Kanh Singh, by an act of heroism
and self-sacrifice, paralleled only by the
achievement of Balloo Saktawat during
Maharana Amar Singh’s attack on the fort
of Ontala, then held by the Imperial garrison
in Emperor Jahangir’s reign, earned undying
glory as a Rajput hero. When the moment
for storming the fort came, the elephants
refused to force open the gates, owing to
the long iron spikes upon them. In that
emergency, Kanh Singh rushed to the gate,
covered the spikes with his body and urged the
elephant to force the gates open, himself being
impaled on the spikes. This act of heroism
sent a thrill of enthusiasm through the
Maharana’s army, while it struck terror into
the hearts of the Sultan’s garrison inside the
fort. The Rajputs rushed into the fort, sword
in hand, and slaughtered the garrison,
Mubariz-ul-mulk again fleeing by the back door
of the fort. Just as he was making his exit
from the fort, the same bard as had told him
in open Darbār at Idar that Sanga would
soon come and drive him out of Idar, appear-
ed and taunted him on his flight, and put him
to shame for continually showing the white
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Maharana Sāngā.
feather before the Maharana. This stung
Mubariz-ul-mulk to the quick, and he halted
on the further bank of the river that flows
by the fort and drew up his troops, which
had been reinforced by the army sent by the
Sultan from Ahmadabad, to oppose the
Maharana’s advance. As soon as the
Maharana came to know of it, he fell upon
this army and put it to flight.¹ Mubariz-
ul-mulk fled towards Ahmadabad, but
fearing pursuit, he left the direct road
and took a circuitous route. Asad-
ul-mulk and others feeling the disgrace
involved in taking such a course kept on to
the ordinary route, but they were pursued
and slain to the last man, their elephants
and equipage falling into the hands of the
¹ A. K. Forbes’ Rasmala says: “The array of
Islam was broken by the fury of Rajputs, several
officers of distinction were killed; Mubariz-ul-mulk
himself was severely wounded; his elephants were taken,
and the whole force was driven in confusion towards
Ahmadabad. Sāngā Rana now plundered the surround-
ing country at his leisure : he spared the Brahmans of
Wadnagar, but finding Visalnagar defended against him,
he took it by assault, slaying the Muhammadan
governor. Having thus revenged himself for the
insult which had been offered to him, he returned,
unopposed, to Chitor.”—p. 295.
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Maharana Sāṅgā.
Maharana's commanders. The Maharana
took the town of Ahmadnagar and sacked¹
it and carried away captive the Mussalman
inhabitants. He marched the next day to
plunder Vadnagar. Arriving there, he
found the town inhabited by Brahmans,
who prayed for protection. Their prayers
were granted and the town was left un-
molested. The Maharana advanced to
Visalnagar, killed the governor Hatim
Khan² in an action that followed, and
plundered the town. After plundering
Gujarāt a little longer and finding that the
Sultan dared not come to the protection of
his subjects, and thinking that the braggart
Nizam-ul-mulk (Mubariz-ul-mulk) had been
sufficiently punished and taught a good
lesson, and seeing that the Rao of Idar had
been restored to his patrimony, the Maha-
rana returned in triumph to Chitor.
¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, p. 269.
² Ibid.
83

CHAPTER IX.
FAILURE OF SULTAN MUZAFFAR SHAH'S
INVASION OF MEWAR.
THE Sultan of Gujarāt left Muhammada-
bad and returned to his capital after the
Maharana had returned to Mewar. He was
grieved to see his country devastated, and
began to think of avenging its ruin. He set
about preparing a large army, doubled the
pay of the soldiers, and gave them a year's
salary in advance. At last in Muharrum
H. 927 (Pos Sud S. 1577), December A.D.
1520, the Sultan sent Malik Ayaz with an
army of 100,000 cavalry, 100 elephants and
a large park of artillery¹ against Mewar.
Another army, consisting of 20,000 horse
and 20 elephants was sent under Qiwam-ul-
mulk to co-operate with Malik Ayaz. Both
these armies marched to Morassa. While
¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, p. 271.
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Maharana Sāngā.
they were encamped there, the Sultan,
according to the Tabqati Akbari, sent
reinforcements under Taj Khan and Nizam-
ul-mulk. The Sultan's army ravaged
Dungarpur and advanced towards Banswara.
After a skirmish between 200 horsemen
under Shuja-ul-mulk and others, and some
Rajputs in the hills, the Sultan's army
advanced and invested the fort of Mandsaur
in Malwa, then in the Maharana's possession.
The governor of the fort, Asoka Mal, was
killed but the fort did not fall. The
Maharana left Chitor with a large army
and arrived at the village of Nandsa, 12 cos
(24 miles) from Mandsaur. In the mean-
time, Sultan Mahmud Khilji of Malwa
arived from Mandu to assist the Gujarāt
forces to repay the debt he owed to Muzaffar
Shah.
The siege was pressed but no progress
was made. The Maharana was reinforced
by Medni Rai's army, and Raja Silhidi,
the Tuar Chief of Raisen, joined the
Maharana with ten thousand cavalry. The
Mirati Sikandari says that "all the Rajas
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Maharana Sāngā.
of the country round, went to the support
of the Rana. Thus on both sides enormous
forces were assembled. But the enterprise
of Malik Ayaz did not advance in conse-
quence of the ill-feeling entertained against
him by the Amirs...... .....No progress
was made in the siege of the fort." It is
probable that Sultan Mahmud Khilji, who
had personal experience of the irresistible
charge of the Rajput cavalry warned the
Gujarāt generals of the impending disaster
to their arms, and advised them to make
peace and return home. Malik Ayaz fore-
seeing the ruin of his forces in the
prolongation of the struggle made peace and
fell back on Khiljipur,¹ and eventually
retreated to Gujarāt.
¹ The Persian historians attribute the opening
of peace negotiations by Malik Ayaz to ill-feeling
between him and Qiwam-ul-mulk, the additional
convenient reason as usual being that the Maharana
offered his submission. The Mirati Sikandari says
that Malik Ayaz was commander-in-chief and was in
command of the main army consisting of 100,000
cavalry and artillery, and that Qiwam-ul-mulk had only
20,000 men under him, and that the latter and Sultan
Mahmud Khilji were anxious to fight. Further on it
says that Mahmud Khilji dissuaded Qiwam-ul-mulk
from going against the wishes of Malik Ayaz, who
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Maharana Sāngā.
The Sultan is said to have received Malik
Ayaz coldly when the latter waited on
him at Chapaneri. The Mirati Sikandari
says that not only was the Sultan very
cold to Ayaz, but that all the people of
Gujarāt called him a coward.¹
Rao Bhar Mal of Idar who had succeeded
Rai Mal outlived Muzaffar II as well as his
sons Sikandar and Mahmud II, and was alive
in A.D. 1530 when Bahadur Shah of Gujarāt
wished to make peace. It is thus quite clear that there
was nothing whatever to prevent Malik Ayaz from
continuing the war. He, however, saw the hopelessness
of gaining a victory, and foresaw how disastrous would
be his retreat to Gujarāt with the valiant Rajputs
pursuing him in a country infested with enemies.
¹ Bayley's Gujarāt, page 275. This coldness
was natural after the signal failure of the Malik in
the expedition, which had been entrusted to him at
his own entreaty. The statement of the Mirati
Sikandari that the Sultan resolved to invade Mewar
the next year but gave it up, as the Maharana sent his
son with tribute and elephants, is only eyewash.
The Sultan's resolution to invade Mewar the next year
is inconsistent with the allegation that Malik Ayaz
made peace as the Maharana offered submission. If
the Maharana had agreed to pay tribute, the proper
time for payment was when peace was made. Malik
Ayaz would have brought it with the Maharana's
son, and there was then no reason for any coldness
towards the Malik, and no occasion for the people to
call him a coward.
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Maharana Sāngā.
marched towards Idar.¹ He survived Bahadur
Shah and died after A.D. 1543, and had the
satisfaction of witnessing the beginning of
the fall of the great enemy kingdom of
Gujarāt.
The inherent strength of the Hindus
enabled them to stand a temporary occu-
pation of their country. They were never
completely subdued or crushed. Mr. A. K.
Forbes in his Ras Mala, says : "Whatever
deeds of oppression and of blood may have
been enacted at the time, and however
the Muhammadan rulers may have chosen
to believe, or the Muhammadan historians
to represent the Hindus to be a crushed,
subdued people, the fact remains beyond
dispute that their descendants, in spite of
many a subsequent danger, still possess
the soil of which it was sought to deprive
them ; while little but squalid poverty and
tottering ruins, represent the once proud
sway of the dynasty of Shah Ahmad."²
¹ Forbes' Ras Mala, page 296.
² Forbes' Ras Mala, page 297.
88