हम्मीर महाकाव्यम् (रणथम्भौर चौहान वीरगाथा एवं इतिहास)

30
upon the invaders at a place on the Varṇanâśâ, and gained
a decisive advantage over the enemy, great numbers of whom
were killed. Contenting himself with the advantage thus gained,
Bhîmasingh began to retrace his steps towards Raṇathaṁ-
bhôr, Ulugh Khân secretly following him with the main body
of his army. Now it so happened that the soldiers of Bhîma-
singh, who had obtained immense booty, were anxious to carry
it home safely, and, in their anxiety to do this, they outstripped
their chief, who had around him only a small band of his personal
followers. When Bhîmasingh had thus gained the middle
of the Hindavât pass, in the pride of victory he ordered the
kettledrums and other musical instruments he had captured from
the enemy to be vigorously sounded. This act had an unforeseen
and disastrous consequence. Ulugh Khân had ordered his
army to follow Bhîmasingh in small detachments, and had
commanded them to fall on him wherever he should sound his
martial instruments, which they were to understand as the signal
of some great advantage gained over the enemy. When the
detached parties, therefore, of the Muhammadans heard the sound
of the nagâras, they poured into the pass from all sides, and
Ulugh Khân also coming up began to fight with Bhîma-
singh. The Hindu general for a time nobly sustained the
unequal combat, but was at last wounded and killed. After
gaining this signal advantage over the enemy, Ulugh Khân
returned to Dehli.
Hammîra, after the completion of the sacrifice, learnt
the details of the battle and of the death of his general
Bhîmasingh. He upbraided Dharmasingh for desert-
ing Bhîmasingh, and called him blind, as he could not see
that Ulugh Khân was on the track of the army. He also
called him impotent as he did not rush to the rescue of Bhîma-
singh. Not content with thus upbraiding Dharmasingh,
the king ordered the offending general to be blinded and castrated.

31
Dharmasingh was also superseded in the command of the
army by Bhoja Deva, a natural brother of the Rája, and a
sentence of banishment was passed upon him, but, at Bhoja's
intercession, it was not carried out.
Dharmasingh, thus mutilated and disgraced, was bitterly
mortified at the treatment he had received at the king's hands,
and resolved to be avenged. In pursuance of his determination,
he contracted an intimate friendship with one Râdhâ Dévî, a
courtesan, who was a great favourite at court. Râdhâ Dévî
kept her blind friend well acquainted every day as to what was
passing at court. One day it so happened that Râdhâ Dévî
returned home quite cross and dejected, and when her blind friend
asked her the cause of her low spirits, she answered that the
king had lost that day many horses of the celha disease, and
consequently paid little attention to her dancing and singing,
and that this state of things, in all probability, was likely to
continue long. The blind man bade her be of good cheer, as
he would see ere long that all was right again. She was only to
take the opportunity of insinuating to the king that Dhar-
masingh, if restored to his former post, would present the king
with twice the number of horses that had lately died. Râ-
dhâ Dévî played her part well, and the king, yielding to
avarice, restored Dharmasingh to his former post.
Dharmasingh thus restored, only thought of revenge. He
pandered to the king's avarice, and by his oppression and exactions
reduced the rayats to a miserable condition and made them detest
their monarch. He spared no one from whom anything could
be got—horses, money, anything worth having. The king,
whose treasury he thus replenished, was much pleased with his
blind minister, who, flushed with success, now called on Bhoja
to render an account of his department. Bhoja knew the
blind man grudged him his office, and going to the king he in-
formed him of all Dharmasingh's schemes, and applied

to him for protection from the minister's tyranny. But Ham-
mîra paid no attention to the representations of Bhoja,
telling him that as Dharmasingh was entrusted with full
powers, and could do whatever he thought proper, it was
necessary others should obey his orders. Bhoja, when he saw
that the king's mind was turned from him, submitted to his
property being confiscated and brought into the king's coffers
as ordered by Dharmasingh. As in duty bound, however,
he still followed his chief wherever he went. One day the king
went to pay his devotions at the temple of Vaijanâth, and
seeing Bhoja in his train, scornfully remarked to a courtier
who stood by, that the earth was full of vile beings; but the
vilest creature on earth was the crow, who, though deprived of his
last feather by the angry owl, still clung to his habitation on the
old tree. Bhoja understood the intent of the remark, and that
it was levelled at him. Deeply mortified, he returned home and
communicated his disgrace to his younger brother Pîtama
The two brothers now resolved to leave the country, and the
next day Bhoja went to Hammîra and humbly prayed to
be allowed leave to undertake a pilgrimage to Banâras. The
king granted his request, adding that he might go to Banâras or
further if he chose,—that there was no danger of the town being
deserted on his account. To this insolent speech Bhoja made
no reply. He bowed and withdrew, and soon after started for
Banâras. The king was delighted at Bhoja Deva's departure
and he conferred the Kotwâlship vacated by him on Ratipâla
When Bhoja reached Shirśa, he reflected on the sad turn
his affairs had taken, and resolved that the wanton insults heaped
upon him should not go unavenged. In this mind, with his
brother Pîtama, he went to Yoginîpura, and there waited
upon 'Alâu'ddîn. The Muhammadan chief was much pleased
with Bhoja's arrival at his court. He treated him with dis-
tinguished honour, and bestowed upon him the town and

33
territory of Jâgarâ as a jâhîgîr. Henceforth Pîtama lived
here, and the other members of Bhoja's family, while he himself
stayed at court. 'Alâ'u'd-dîn's object was to learn Ham-
mîra's affairs, and he therefore lavished presents and honours
on Bhoja, who gradually became entirely devoted to the interests
of his new master.
Convinced of Bhoja's devotion to his cause, 'Alâu-d-dîn one
day asked him, in private, if there were any easy and practicable
means of subduing Hammîra. Bhoja answered that it was no
easy matter to conquer Hammîra, a king who was the terror
of the kings of Kuntala, Madhyadeśa (Central India), Aṅ-
gadeśa and the far Kâñchî—a king who was master of the
six guṇas and the three śaktis, and who commanded a vast and
powerful army—a king whom all other kings feared and obeyed,
and who had a most valiant brother in Vîrama, the conqueror
of many princes—a king who was served by the fearless Mon-
gol chiefs Mahimsâhi and others, who, after defeating his
brother, had defied 'Alâu'ddîn himself. Not only had
Hammîra able generals, said Bhoja, but they were all attach-
ed to him. Seduction was impossible save in one quarter.
One man only had his price in the court of Hammîra. What
a blast of wind was to a lamp, what the cloud was to the lotuses,
what night was to the sun, what the company of women was
to an ascetic, what avarice was to all other qualities, that was
this one man to Hammîra—the sure cause of disgrace and
destruction. The present time, too, said Bhoja, was not ill
suited for an expedition against Hammîra. There was a
bumper harvest this year in the Chohân country and if 'Alâu'd-
dîn could but snatch it from the peasantry before it could be
stored away he would induce them, as they already suffered from
the blind man's tyranny, to forsake the cause of Hammîra.
'Alâu'ddîn liked Bhoja's idea, and forthwith commanded
Ulugh Khân to invade Hammira's country with an army of
E

34

100,000 horse. Ulugh Khân’s army now poured over the land
like an irresistible torrent,—the chiefs through whose territories
it passed bending like reeds before it. The army thus reached
Hindavât, when the news of its approach and intention was
carried to Hammîra. Thereupon the Hindu king convened
a council, and deliberated on the course they had best adopt. It
was resolved that Vîrama and the rest of the eight great officers
of state should go and do battle with the enemy. Accordingly,
the king’s generals divided the army into eight divisions, and
fell on the Muhammadans from all the eight points of the
compass at once. Vîrama came from the east, and Mahim-
âsâhi from the west. From the south advanced Jâjadêva,
while Garbharûka advanced from the north. From the
south-east came Ratipâla, while Tichar Mongol directed
the attack from the north-west. Ranamalla came from the
north-east, while Vaichara chose the south west for his direc-
tion of attack. The Râjputs set to their work with vigour.
Some of them filled the enemy’s entrenchments with earth and
rubbish, while others set on fire the wooden fortification raised by
the Muhammadans. Others, again, cut the ropes of their tents.
The Muhammadans stood to their arms and vauntingly said they
would mow down the Râjputs like grass. Both sides fought
with desperate courage; but the Muhammadans at last gave
way before the repeated attacks of the Râjputs. Many of them,
therefore, left the field and fled for their lives. After a time their
example was followed by the whole of the Muhammadan army,
which fled ignominiously from the battlefield, leaving the Râjputs
complete masters of it.
When the battle was over, the modest Râjputs went over
the field to gather their dead and wounded. In this search they
obtained much booty and arms, elephants and horses. Some of
the enemy’s women also fell into their hands. Ratipâla
forced them to sell buttermilk in every town they passed through.

35
Hammîra was exceedingly delighted at the signal victory
over the enemy gained by his generals. He held a grand darbâr
in honour of the event. In the darbâr the king invested
Ratipâla with a golden chain—comparing him, in his speech,
to the war elephant that had richly deserved the golden band.
All the other nobles and soldiers were also rewarded according
to their deserts, and graciously ordered back to their respective
homes.
All but the Mongol chiefs left the presence. Hammîra
observed this, and kindly asked them the reason of their lagging
behind. They answered that they were loth to sheathe their
swords and retire to their houses before they had chastised the
ungrateful Bhoja, who was enjoying himself in his jahâgîr at
Jagarâ. On account of the relation in which he stood to the
king, said they, they had up to this time allowed Bhoja to
live; but he now no longer deserved this forbearance, as it was
at his instigation that the enemy had invaded the Raṇa-
thambhôr territory. They therefore asked permission of the
king to march on Jagarâ and attack Bhoja. The king
granted the request, and at once the Mongols left the palace for
Jagarâ. They took the town by storm, and taking Pîtama
captive, with many others, brought him back to Raṇatham-
bhôr.
Ulugh Khân after his discomfiture hastily retired to Dehli
and apprised his brother of what had happened. His brother
taxed him with cowardice; but Ulugh Khân excused his
flight by representing that it was the only course open to him,
under the circumstances, which could enable him to have the
pleasure of once more seeing his brother in this world, and have
another opportunity of fighting with the Chohân. Scarcely
had Ulugh Khân done with his excuses, when in came Bhoja,
red with anger. He spread the cloth which he had worn as an
upper garment on the ground, and began to roll upon it as one

36

possessed with an evil spirit, muttering incoherently all the
while. 'Alâu'd-dîn was not a little annoyed at this strange
conduct, and inquired the reason of it. Bhoja replied that it
would be difficult for him ever to forget the misfortune that
had overtaken him that day; for Mahimâsâhi having paid a
visit to Jagarâ, had carried it by assault and dragged his
brother Pîtama into captivity before Hammîra. Well
might people now, said Bhoja, point the finger of scorn at him,
and say, Here is the man who has lost his all in the hope of
getting more. Helpless and forlorn, he could not now trust
himself to lie on the earth, as it all belonged now to Hammîra;
and he had therefore spread his garment, on which to roll in
grief which had deprived him of the power of standing.
Already the fire of anger was kindled in the breast of 'Alâu'd-
dîn at the tale of the defeat his brother had sustained, and
Bhoja's speech added fuel to the fire. Throwing to the ground,
in the vehemence of his feelings, the turban he had on, he said
Hammîra's folly was like that of one who thought he could
tread upon the lion's mane with impunity, and vowed he would
exterminate the whole race of the Chohâns. Then at once he
despatched letters to the kings of various countries, calling upon
them to join him in a war against Hammîra. The kings of
Aṅga, Telaṅga, Magadha, Maisûr, Kaliṅga, Baṅga,
Bhot, Medapât, Pañchâl, Bâṅgâl,¹⁷ Thamim, Bhilla,
Nepâl, Dâhal, and some Himâlayan chiefs, who also obeyed
the summons, brought their respective quotas to swell the invad-
ing army. Amongst this miscellaneous host there were some
who came on account of the love they bore to the goddess of war,
while others were there who had been drawn into the ranks of
the invaders by the love of plunder. Others, again, only came
to be spectators of the desperate fighting that was expected to

¹⁷ I spell these names as they are in the original.

37
take place. There was such a thronging of elephants, horses,
chariots, and men that there was scarcely room for one to thrust
a grain of tila amidst the crowd. With this mighty concourse,
the two brothers, Nusrat Khân and Ulugh Khân, started
for the Raṇathambhôr country.
'Alâ'u'd-dîn with a small retinue stayed behind with the
object of inspiring the Râjputs with a dread of the reserves that
must have necessarily remained with him, their king.
The numbers in the army were so great that they drank up
all the water of the rivers on the line of march. It was therefore
found necessary not to halt the army longer than a few hours
in any one place. By forced marches, the two generals soon
reached the borders of the Raṇathambhôr territory—an
event which gave rise to conflicting sentiments in the minds of
the invaders. Those that had taken no part in the late war
said victory was now certain, as it was impossible the Râjputs
should be able to withstand such troops as they were. The
veterans of the last campaign, however, took a different view
of the matter, and asked their more hopeful comrades to remember
that they were about to encounter Hammîra's army, and that,
therefore, they should reserve their vaunting until the end of the
campaign.
When the pass was gained which was the scene of Ulugh
Khân's discomfiture and disgrace, he advised his brother not to
place too much confidence in their power alone, but, as the place
was a difficult one, and Hammîra's army both strong and
efficient, to try stratagem by sending some one on to the court of
Hammîra, there to try to while away some days in negotia-
tions about peace, while the army should safely cross the mountains
and take up a strategical position. Nusrat Khân yielded to
the superior experience of his brother, and Śri Molhaṇa
Deva was sent to propose the terms on which the Muhammadans
would conclude a peace with Hammîra. Pending negotiations,

38

Hammîra's. people allowed the invading army to cross the
dangerous pass unmolested. The Khân now posted his brother
on one side of the road known as the Maṇḍi Road, and he him-
self occupied the fort of Śrî Maṇḍapa. The forces of the
allied princes were stationed all round the tank of Jaitra
Sâgara.
Neither party was sincere. The Muhammadans thought they
had artfully secured an advantageous position from whence to
commence their operations; whilst the Râjputs were of opinion
that the enemy had so far advanced into the interior that he
could not now possibly escape them.
The Khân's ambassador at Raṇathambhôr, admitted into
the fort by the king's order, from what he saw there, was
inspired with a dread of Hammîra's power. However, he attend-
ed the darbâr held to receive him, and, after the exchange of the
usual courtesies, boldly delivered himself of the message with
which he was charged. He said that he was deputed to the king's
court as the envoy of Ulugh Khân and Nusrat Khân,
the two brothers of the celebrated 'Alâu'd-dîn; that he had
come there to impress on the king's mind, if possible, the futility
of any resistance that he could offer to so mighty a conqueror
as 'Alâu'd-dîn, and to advise him to conclude a peace with his
chief. He offered to Hammîra, as the conditions of peace,
the choice between paying down to his chief a contribution of
one hundred thousand gold mohors, presenting him with four
elephants and three hundred horses, and giving his daughter in
marriage to 'Alâu'd-dîn; or the giving up to him the four in-
subordinate Moṅgol chiefs, who, having excited the displeasure
of his master, were now living under the protection of the king.
The envoy added that if the king desired the enjoyment of his
power and kingdom in peace, he had the opportunity at hand of
securing his object by the adoption of either of these conditions,
which would equally secure to him the good graces and assistance

39

of 'Alâud dîn, a monarch who had destroyed all his enemies,
who possessed numerous strong forts and well furnished arsenals
and magazines, who had put to shame Mahâdeva himself by
capturing numerous impregnable forts, like Dêvagadha,
whereas the fame of the god rests on the successful capture of the
fort of Tripura alone.
Hammîra, who had listened with impatience to the ambas-
sador's speech, was incensed at the insulting message delivered to
him, and said to Srî Molhana Deva that if he had not been
there in the capacity of an accredited envoy, the tongue with
which he uttered those vaunting insults should ere this have been
cut out. Not only did Hammîra refuse to entertain either of
the conditions submitted by the envoy, but on his part he proposed
the acceptance by 'Alâu'd dîn of as many sword cuts as the
number of the gold mohurs, elephants, and horses he had the
impudence to ask for, and told the envoy he would look upon
the refusal of this martial offer by the Muhammadan chief as
tantamount to his ('Alâu'd dîn's) feasting on pork. Without any
further ceremony, the envoy was driven from the presence.
The garrison of Ranathambhôr now prepared for resist-
ance. Officers of approved ability and bravery were told off to
defend various posts. Tents were pitched here and there on the
ramparts to protect the defenders from the rays of the sun. Oil
and resin were kept boiling in many places ready to be poured
on the bodies of any of the assailants to scald them if they dared
come too near, and guns were mounted on suitable places. The
Muhammadan army, too, at last appeared before Ranathambhôr.
A desperate struggle was carried on for some days. Nusrat
Khân was killed by a random shot in one of the engagements,¹³
and, the monsoon having set in, Ulugh Khân was obliged
to stop all further operations. He retired to some distance from

¹³ Elliot and Dowson's History vol. III. p. 172.—ED.

40

the fort, and sent a despatch to 'Alâ u'd-dîn, informing him of
the critical situation he was in. He also sent him in a box
Nusrat Khân's body for burial. Upon this intelligence
reaching 'Alâ u'd-dîn, he started at once for Raṇa-tham-
bhôr. Arrived there, he immediately marched his army to the
gates of the fort and invested it.
Hammîra, to mark his contempt of these proceedings, had
caused to be raised, on many places over the walls, flags of light
wickerwork. This was as much as to say that 'Alâu'd-dîn's
advent before the fort was not felt to be a burden to, or an
aggravation of, the sufferings of the Râjputs. The Muhammadan
chief at once saw that he had to deal with men of no ordinary
resolution and courage, and he sent a message to Hammîra
saying he was greatly pleased with his bravery, and would be glad
to grant any request such a gallant enemy might wish to make.
Of course this was bidding in some way for peace. Hammîra,
however, replied that as 'Alâu'd-dîn was pleased to grant anything
he might set his heart upon, nothing would gratify him so much
as fighting with him for two days, and this request he hoped, would
be complied with. The Muhammadan chief praised very much
this demand, saying it did justice to his adversary's courage,
and agreed to give him battle the next day. The contest that
ensued was furious and desperate in the last degree. During
these two days the Muhammadans lost no less than 85,000 men.
A truce of some few days being now agreed upon by both the
belligerents, fighting ceased for a time.
On one of these days the king had Râdhâ Dêvî dancing
before him on the wall of the fort, while there was much company
round him. This woman, at stated and regular intervals, well
understood by those who understand music, purposely turned her
back towards 'Alâu'd-dîn, who was sitting below in his tent not
far from the fort, and who could well see what was passing on the
fort wall. No wonder that he was incensed at this conduct, and

41
indignantly asked those who were about him if there was any
among his numerous followers who could, from that distance,
kill that woman with one arrow. One of the chiefs present
answered that he knew one man only who could do this, and
that man was Uddânasingh, whom the king had in cap-
tivity. The captive was at once released and brought before
Alâu'ddîn, who commanded him to show his skill in archery
against the fair target. Uddânasingh did as he was bid,
and in an instant the fair form of the courtesan, being struck,
fell down headlong from the fort wall.
This incident roused the ire of Mahimâsâhi, who requested
permission of the king to be allowed to do the same service to
'Alâu'ddîn that he had done to poor Râdhâ Dêvî. The
king replied that he well knew the extraordinary skill in archery
possessed by his friend, but that he was loth 'Alâu'd-dîn should
be so killed, as his death would deprive him of a valiant enemy
with whom he could at pleasure hold passages of arms. Mahim
âsâhi then dropped the arrow he had adjusted on his bowstring
on Uddânasingh, and killed him. This feat of Mahimâsâhi
so intimidated 'Alâu'ddîn that he at once removed his camp
from the eastern side of the lake to its western side where there
was greater protection from such attacks. When the camp was
removed, the Rajputs were able to perceive that the enemy, by
working underground, had prepared mines, and had attempted
to throw over a part of the ditch a temporary bridge of wood
and grass carefully covered over with earth. The Râjputs de-
stroyed this bridge with their cannon, and, pouring burning oil
into the mines, destroyed those that were working underground.
In this manner all 'Alâu'ddîn's efforts to take the fort were
frustrated. At the same time he was greatly harassed by the
rain, which now fell in torrents. He therefore sent a message to
Hammîra, asking him kindly to send over to his camp Rati-
pâla, as he desired very much to speak with him, with a view
F

to an amicable settlement of the differences subsisting between
them.
The king ordered Ratipâla to go and hear what 'Alâu'd-dîn
had to say. Ranamalla was jealous of Ratipâla's influence,
and did not at all like that he should have been chosen for this
service.
'Alâu'd-dîn received Ratipâla with extraordinary marks
of honour. Upon his entering the darbâr tent, the Muhammadan
chief rose from his seat, and, embracing him, made him sit on
his own gâdi, while he himself sat by his side. He caused valuable
presents to be placed before Ratipâla, and also made pro-
mises of further rewards. Ratipâla was delighted with such
kind treatment. The wily Muhammadan, observing it, ordered
the rest of the company to leave them alone. When they had
all left, he began to address Ratipâla. "I am," said he,
"'Alâu'd-dîn, the king of the Muhammadans, and I have up
to this time stormed and carried hundreds of fortresses. But it is
impossible for me to carry Ranathambhôr by force of arms.
My object in investing this fort is simply to get the fame of its
capture. I hope now (as you have condescended to see me) I
shall gain my object, and I may trust you for a little help in the
fulfilment of my desire. I do not wish for any more kingdoms
and forts for myself. When I take this fort, what better can I
do than bestow it on a friend like you? My only happiness will
be the fame of its capture." With blandishments such as these,
Ratipâla was won over, and he gave 'Alâu'd-dîn to under-
stand so. Thereupon 'Alâu'd-dîn, to make his game doubly sure,
took Ratipâla into his harem, and there left him to eat and
drink in private with his youngest sister.¹⁹ This done, Ratipâla
left the Muhammadan camp and came back into the fort.
¹⁹ At first sight this statement might seem to be a fancy of the author
intended to blacken the character of the victor. But we read that such things
were quite possible in the tribe to which the conqueror belonged. A slipper at

43
Ratipâla was thus gained over by 'Alâ'u'd dîn Therefore,
when he saw the king, he did not give him a true account of what
he had seen in the Muhammadan camp, and of what 'Alâ'u'd dîn
had said to him. Instead of representing Alâ ud dîn's power
as fairly broken by the repeated and vigorous attacks of the
Râjputs, and he himself as willing to retire upon a nominal
surrender of the fort, he represented him as not only bent upon
exacting the most humiliating marks of submission on the part of
the king, but as having it in his power to make good his threats
'Alâ'u'd dîn confessed, said Ratipâla, that the Râjputs had
succeeded in killing some of his soldiers, but that mattered little,
for no one could look upon the centipede as lame for the loss of a
foot or two Under these circumstances he advised Hammîra
to call upon Ranamalla in person that night, and persuade him
to do his best in repelling the assailants, for Ranamalla, said
the traitor Ratipâla, was an uncommon warrior but that he did
not, it appeared, use his utmost endeavours in chastising the enemy
as he was offended with the king for something or other. The
king's visit, alleged Ratipâla, would make matters all right
again.
After this interview with the king Ratipâla hastened to see
Ranamalla, and there, as if to oblige and save from utter
destruction an old comrade and associate, informed him that, for
some unknown reason, the king's mind was greatly prejudiced
against him, and he advised him to go over to the enemy on the
first alarm, for he said Hammîra had resolved to make him a
prisoner that very night He also told him the hour at which he
might expect to be visited by the king for this purpose Having
done this, Ratipâla quietly waited to see the issue of the
mischief he had so industriously sown
the door of his wife's room is a sign well understood by a husband in this tribe,
at sight of which he immediately takes care to retire from the house. See Tod
vol I p. 56

44
Vîrama, the brother of Hammîra, was with him when
Ratipâla paid him the visit, and he expressed his belief to his
brother that Ratipâla had not spoken the truth, but had been
seduced from his allegiance by the enemy. He said he could smell
liquor when Ratipâla was speaking, and a drunken man was
not to be believed. Pride of birth, generosity, discernment, shame,
loyalty, love of truth and cleanliness, were qualities, said Vîrama,
that were not to be expected to be the possessions of those that
drink. In order to stop the further progress of sedition among
his people, he advised his brother to put Ratipâla to death.
But the king objected to this proposal, saying that his fort was
strong enough to resist the enemy under any circumstances; and
if by any unforeseen accident, it should fall into the hands of the
enemy after he had killed Ratipâla, people would moralize on
the event, and attribute their fall to their wickedness in putting
to death an innocent man.
In the meantime, Ratipâla caused a rumour to be spread in
the king's Ranawâs that 'Alâu'd-dîn only asked for the hand of the
king's daughter, and that he was ready to conclude a peace if his
desires in this respect were granted, as he wanted nothing else.
Hereupon the king's wives induced his daughter to go to her father
and express her willingness to bestow her hand on 'Alâu'd-dîn.
The girl went where her father was sitting, and implored him to
give her to the Muhammadan, to save himself and his kingdom.
She said she was as a piece of worthless glass, whilst her father's
life and kingdom were like the chintâmaṇi, or the wish-granting
philosopher's stone; and she solicited him to cast her away to
retain them.
The king's feelings quite overcame him as the innocent girl,
with clasped hands, thus spoke to him. He told her she was
a mere child, and was not to be blamed for what she had been
taught to speak. But he knew not what punishment they de-
served who had the imprudence to put such ideas into her innocent

45
head It did not, said he, become a Râjput to mutilate females,
else he should have cut out the tongues of those that uttered
such blasphemy in his fair daughter's ears "Child," said
Hammîra, "you are yet too young to understand these matters, and
there is not much use in my explaining them to you But to
give you away to the unclean Muhammadan, to enjoy life, is
to me as loathsome as prolonging existence by living on my own
flesh Such a connection would bring disgrace on the fair name
of our house, would destroy all hopes of salvation, and embitter
our last days in this world I will rather die ten thousand deaths
than live a life of such infamy" He ceased, and ordered his
daughter, kindly but firmly, to her chamber
The unsuspecting king then prepared to go, in the dusk of the
evening, to Ranamalla's quarters, in order to remove his
doubts, as advised by Ratipâla The king was but slightly
attended When, however, he approached Ranamalla's
quarters, the latter remembered what Ratipâla had said to him,
and, thinking his imprisonment was inevitable if he stopped there
any longer, precipitately left the fort with his party and went over
to 'Alâu'd dîn Seeing this, Ratipâla also did the same
The king, thus deceived and bewildered, came back to the
palace, and sending for the Kothâri (the officer in charge of the
royal granaries) inquired of him as to the state of the stores, and
how long they would hold out The Kothâri, fearing the loss
of his influence, if he were to tell the truth to the king at that
time, falsely answered that the stores would suffice to hold out
for a considerable time But scarcely had this officer turned his
back when it became generally known that there was no more
corn in the state granaries Upon the news reaching the king's
ears, he ordered Vîrama to put the false Kothâri to death, and
to throw all the wealth he possessed into the lake of Padma
Sâgar
Harassed with the numerous trials of that day, the king in

46

utter exhaustion threw himself on his bed. But his eyes were
strangers to sleep that dreadful night. It was too much for him
to bear the sight of those whom he had treated with more than
a brother's affection, one by one, abjure themselves and leave
him alone to his fate. When the morning came, he performed
his devotions, and came and sat in the darbâr hall, sadly musing
on the critical situation. He thought that, as his own Râjputs
had left him, no faith could be placed in M a h i m a ś â h i, at once
a Muhammadan and an alien. While in this mood, he sent for
M a h i m a ś â h i, and said to him that, as a true Râjput, it was his
duty to die in the defence of his kingdom; but he was of opinion
it was improper that people who were not of his race should
also lose their lives for him in this struggle, and therefore now
it was his wish that M a h i m a ś â h i should name to him
some place of safety where he could retire with his family, and
thither he would see him escorted safely.
Struck by the king's generosity, M a h i m a ś â h i, without giving
any reply, went back to his house, and there put to the
sword all the inmates of his zanâna, and returning to H a m m î r a
said that his wife and children were ready to start off, but that
the former insisted on once more looking upon the face of the
king, to whose favour and kindness the family had owed so long
their protection and happiness. The king acceded to this request,
and, accompanied by his brother V î r a m a, went to M a h i m a-
ś â h i's house. But what was his sorrow and surprise when he
saw the slaughter in the house! The king embraced M a h i m a-
ś â h i and began to weep like a child. He blamed himself for
having asked him to go away, and knew not how to repay such
extraordinary devotion. Slowly, therefore, he came back to the
palace, and, giving up everything for lost, told his people that they
were free to act as they should think proper. As for himself, he
was prepared to die charging the enemy. In preparation for
this, the females of his family, headed by R a ṅ g a D ê v î, perished

47
on the funeral pile When the king s daughter prepared to ascend
the pile, her father was overcome with grief He embraced her
and refused to separate She, however, extricated herself from
the paternal embrace, and passed through the fiery ordeal When
there remained nothing but a heap of ashes, the sole remains
of the fair and faithful Chohanis, Hammira performed the
funeral ceremonies for the dead, and cooled their manes with
a last ovation of the tilánjali He then, with the remains of
his faithful army, sallied out of the fort and fell upon the enemy
A deadly hand to hand struggle ensued Virama fell first in the
thickest of the battle, then Mahimasîhi was shot through the
heart Jâja, Gangâdhar Tâk and Kshetrasingh
Paramara followed them Lastly fell the mighty Ham
mira, pierced with a hundred shafts Disdaining to fall with
anything like life into the enemy s hands, he severed, with one
last effort, his head from his body with his own hands, and
so terminated his existence Thus fell Hammira, the last of the
Chohâns! This sad event happened in the 18th year of his
reign, in the month of Srâvana ³⁰

³⁰ The Târîkh i 'Alâî of Amîr Khusrû gives the date as 3rd Zî l ha da A H 70
(July 1301 A D ), the siege began in Rajab four months previously —Elliot
and Dowson s History vol III pp 75 179 549

इस पृष्ठ पर कोई पाठ (टेक्स्ट) उपलब्ध नहीं है (पृष्ठ रिक्त है)।

श्रीहम्मीरमहाकाव्यम्
प्रथमः सर्गः
सदाचिदानंदमहोदयैक-हेतुं परं ज्योतिरुपास्महे तत् ।
यस्मिन् शिवश्रीः सरसीव हंसी विशुद्धिकृद्धारिणि रंरमीति ॥ १ ॥
तज्ज्ञानविज्ञानकृतावधानाः संतः परब्रह्ममयं यमाहुः ।
पराश्रयः कृतभवावसानः स नाभिभूर्वस्त्वरतां शिवाय ॥ २ ॥
यशोदयास्फीतशुभप्रवृत्तिर्गोपालमालाचितपादपद्मः ।
श्रीवत्सलक्ष्मा पुरुषोत्तमः श्री-पार्श्वः श्रियं वस्त्रनुतादतन्वीं ॥ ३ ॥
उच्चैर्वृषो दर्पकदर्पहारी शिवानुयातो विलसद्विभूतिः ।
शुभ्रस्थितिर्निर्दलितांधकारः श्रीशांकरो वीरविभुर्विभूतये ॥ ४ ॥
सचक्रहत्प्रीतिकरैः प्रभावि-प्रभाविशेषैः सुभगंभविष्णुः ।
सम्यक्प्रबोधप्रथनप्रभूष्णु र्भास्वान् सशांतिः शमयत्वघानि ॥ ५ ॥
महेशचूडामणिचुंबिपादो ऽभ्रांतस्थितिः स्फीतशुभप्रचारः ।
महामहाध्वस्ततमसमूहः समुद्रजन्मा शशभृच्छ्रिये स्तात् ॥ ६ ॥
लसत्कविस्तोमकृतोरुभक्ति र्नालीकसंपत्सुभगंभविष्णुः ।
स्वदर्शनेन त्रिजगत्पुनाना सरस्वती नो नयतात्प्रसत्तिं ॥ ७ ॥
माधांतृसीतापतिर्कर्कमुख्याः क्षितौ क्षितींद्राः कतिनाम नासन् ।
तेषु स्तवार्हः परमेष सत्व-गुणेन हम्मीर महीभृदेकः ॥ ८ ॥
सत्त्वैकवृत्तेः किल यस्य राज्य-श्रियो विलासा अपि जीवितं च ।
शकाय पुत्रीं शरणागतांश्च प्रयच्छतः किं तृणमप्यभूवन् ॥ ९ ॥
1 A.