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THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 3, PLATE II B. 21
(L. 9.)— . . . . . . . . there was Samudragupta, equal to (the gods) Dhanada and
Antaka in (respectively) pleasure and anger;¹ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . by policy; (and) [by
whom] the whole tribe of kings upon the earth was [overthrown] and reduced to the loss
of the wealth of their sovereignty ;—
(L. 13)—[Who], by . . . . . . . . satisfied by devotion and policy and valour,—by the
glories, consisting of the consecration by besprinkling, &c., that belong to the title of
‘king,’—(and) by . . . . . . . . . combined with supreme satisfaction,— . . . . . . . . . .
(was) a king whose vigour could not be resisted ;—
(L. 17.)—[By whom] there was married a virtuous and faithful wife,² whose dower
was provided by (his) manliness and prowess; who was possessed of an abundance of
[elephants] and horses and money and grain; who delighted in the houses of . . . . ;
(and) who went about in the company of many sons and sons’ sons ;—
(L. 21.)—Whose deeds in battle (are) kindled with prowess; (whose) . . . . . very
mighty fame is always circling round about; and whose enemies are terrified, when they
think, even in the intervals of dreaming, of (his) . . . . . . . . . that are vigorous in
war ;—
(L. 25.)— . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . in a place in Airikiṇa,³ the city of his own
enjoyment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . has been set up, for the sake of augmenting his own
fame
(L. 27.)— . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . when the king said . . . . . . .
(The rest of the inscription is entirely
broken away and lost.)
No. 3; PLATE II B.
UDAYAGIRI CAVE INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II.
THE YEAR 82.
THIS inscription appears to have been first brought to notice in 1854 by General
Cunningham, in his Bhilsa Topes, p. 150 f., where he published his reading of the text,
and a translation of it, accompanied by a lithograph (id. Plate xxi. No. 200).—In 1858, in
his edition of Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. p. 246 f. note 4, Mr. Thomas published his own
reading of the text, accompanied by a translation by Professor H. H. Wilson.—And, finally,
in 1880, in the Archaeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. p. 50, General Cunningham published his revised
reading of the text, and a revised translation of it, accompanied by a fresh lithograph
(id. Plate xix.)
¹ Compare the customary expression, “equal to (the gods) Dhanada and Varuṇa and Indra and
Antaka,” in line 26 of No. 1 above, page 8. See also page 14 above, note 4.
² Samudragupta's wife was Dattadēvī; but the metre prevents her having been mentioned by
name in this verse.
³ See page 18 above, note 2.
⁴ The lacunæ in this verse render it impossible to say whether here, and below, sva, ‘his own,
refers to Samudragupta, or to some feudatory of his, who may have been mentioned here.

22 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. VOL. III.
Udayagiri¹ is a well-known hill, with a small village of the same name on the eastern
side of it, about two miles to the north-west of Bhêlsâ,² the chief town of the Bhêlsâ
Tahsîl or Sub-Division of the Îsâgaḍh³ District in the dominions of Scindia (properly
Śindê) in Central India. On the eastern side of the hill, a little to the south of the village,
and almost on the level of the ground, there is a cave-temple, which, from its containing
this inscription, General Cunningham has named "the Chandragupta Cave."⁴ The in-
scription is on the upper part of a smoothed and countersunk panel, about 2' 4½" broad by
1' 6" high, over two figures,—one of the four-armed god Vishṇu, attended by his two
wives ; and one of a twelve-armed goddess, who must be some form of Lakshmî, the con-
sort of Vishṇu, rather than, as suggested by General Cunningham, Mahishâsurî, i.e.
Durgâ, the consort of Śiva,—which are sculptured on the face of the rock, outside the cave
and a few feet to the north of the entrance to it.
The writing, which covers a space of about 2' 3½" broad by 4¾" high, is in a state of
fairly good preservation ; the surface of the rock has peeled off in some places ; but no
letters are entirely destroyed, except the g of chandragupta in line 1, and, in line 2, the
first akshara of the name of the Mahârâja whose gift is recorded.—The average size of
the letters is about ⅝". The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets, and
give another specimen of the 'box-headed' variety, peculiar to Central India, which I have
commented on at page 18 f. above ; but in this inscription, again, there are no instances in
which enough remains of the square centre of the tops of the letters to shew distinctly in
the lithograph. In âshâḍha, line 1, they include an adaptation from the northern alpha-
bets ; viz. the separate sign for the lingual ḍh, which, in the early southern alphabets, was
represented, together with its unaspirated form ḍ, by the same character as the dental d.
They also include, in line 1, forms of the numerical symbols for 2 and 80.—The lan-
guage is Sanskrit ; and the inscription is in prose.—In respect of orthography, the
only point that calls for notice, is the doubling of dh in conjunction with a following y, in
anuddhyâta, line 1.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Early Gupta king Chandra-
gupta II. It is dated, partly in numerical symbols and partly in words, in the year⁵
¹ The 'Udaygiri and Udegiri' of maps, &c. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 53. Lat. 23° 32' N.; Long.
77° 50' E.
² The 'Bhilsa and Bhelsa' of maps, &c.
³ The 'Isagarh' of maps.
⁴ Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. p. 49 ff. and Plates xvi. and xvii.
⁵ Whether "current" or "expired," is not specifically stated. But the locative case is used ;
and, there being no word signifying "expired" in apposition with it, the natural sense of it is "in
the year eighty-two," i. e. "while the year eighty-two is current."—It is often asserted that the ancient
Hindus always expressed their dates in expired years. And, according to this, we should understand
atîtê, 'having gone by, having passed by,' or any similar word, in apposition with saṁvatsarê
in the present passage, and translate accordingly.—No doubt, in making calculations, the Hindus
worked, as Europeans must work, with the number of expired years as a basis. But this is quite
a different question from that of their method of expressing the dates ; as, also, is the question
whether they did not sometimes by mistake quote years as current which were really expired, and
the reverse, and even occasionally quote, as current, or even as expired, years that were still to come.
And, as a very clear and pointed instance of the record of a date in current years, we have the Gwâlior
Sâsbahû temple inscription of Mahîpâla, dated Vikrama-Saṁvat 1150, which gives (Ind. Ant. Vol.
XV. p. 41 ; vv. 107, 108 ; l. 40) first, in words, the number of years expired, and then, partially

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 3, PLATE II B. 23
eighty-two (A.D. 401-2), and on the eleventh lunar day of the bright fortnight of the
month Âshâḍha (June-July). The cave appears to be a Vaishṇava cave; and this must,
therefore, be a Vaishṇava inscription. And the object of it is to record the gift or dedi-
in words and fully in figures, the number of the current year,—Êkâdaśasv=atîtêshu saṁvatsara-
śatêshu cha l êk-ôna-pañchâśati cha gatêshv=abdêshu Vikramât || Pañchâśê ch=Âśvinê mâsê kṛishṇa-
pakshê nṛip-âjñayâ | rachitâ Maṇikaṇṭhêna praśastir=iyam=ujjvalâ || Aṅkatô=pi 1150 ||
Âśvina-bahula-pañchamyâm,—"and when eleven centuries of years had passed by, and (in addition)
fifty years, less by one, had gone, from (the time of) Vikrama; and in the fiftieth (year); in the
month Âśvina; in the dark fortnight; by order of the king, this brilliant eulogy was composed by
Maṇikaṇṭha; or, in figures, (in the year) 1150, on the fifth lunar day of the dark fortnight of
Âśvina."—Excluding special and capricious instances, the inscriptions disclose the following general
and systematic constructions in the expression of dates.—(1) The use of the nominative singular or
plural, unaccompanied by any verb or participle. Instances of this are somewhat rare. But I can
quote (a) the Mathurâ image inscription (No. 70 below, Pl. xlD. l. 2), saṁvatsaraḥ 200 30; (b) the
Goa grant of Satyâśraya-Dhruvarâja-Indravarman (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 365,
l. 17 ff.), pravardhamâna-vijaya-râjya-saṁvatsaraṁ viṁśatitamaṁ Śaka-kâlaḥ=pañcha varsha-śatâni
dvitriṁśâni; (c) the Dighwâ-Dubaulî grant of the Mahârâja Mahêndrapâla (Ind. Ant. Vol. XV.
p. 113, l. 4), saṁvatsrâ (i.e. saṁvatsarâḥ) 100 50 5 Mâgha śu °li ° (d) the Bengal Asiatic Society's
grant of the Mahârâja Vinâyakapâla (id. Vol. XV. p. 141, l. 17), saṁvatsrô (i.e saṁvatsarô, for either
saṁvatsaraḥ or saṁvatsarâḥ) 100 80 8 Phâlguna ba di 9; and (e) the second date in the 'Deogarh'
inscription of Bhôjadêva of Gwâlior, dated Vikrama-Saṁvat 919 and Śaka-Saṁvat 784 (Archæol. Surv.
Ind. Vol. X. p. 101, and Pl. xxxiii. No. 2, l. 10), Śaka-kâl-âbda-sapta-śatâni chatur-aśîty-adhikâni 784.
And, for early times, we may compare, though they relate to years of government, instead of eras,
(f) the nominative in the Banawâsi Prâkṛit inscription of Hârîtîputra-Śâtakarṇi (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV.
p. 333, l. 1), rañô Hâritîputasa ...... Sâtakaṁṇisa ...... savachharaṁ 10 2 Hêmaṁtâna
pakhô 7 divasa 1; (g) the nominative in the Râjim grant of the Râja Tîvaradêva (No. 81 below, Pl.
xlv. l. 35 f.) pravardhamâna-vijaya-râjya-saṁvatsaru 9 Kârttika divasu ashṭamu 8; and the
crude form in (h) the Âraṅg grant of the Râja Mahâ-Jayarâja (No. 40 below, Pl. xxvi. l. 24),
pravardhamâna-vijaya-saṁvatsara 5 Mârgaśira 20 5, and (i) the Râypur grant of the Râja Mahâ-
Sudêvarâja (No. 41 below, Pl. xxvii. l. 27), pravardhamâna-vijaya-saṁvatsara 10 Mâgha 9. Compare
also, for later times, the crude form in (j) the 'Dewal' inscription of Lalla of the Chhinda family
(Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. I. Pl. li. l. 24), saṁvatsara-sahasra 1049 Mâgha ba di 3 Gurudinê; in (k) a
Kôlâpur inscription of Siṅghaṇa II. (Indian Inscriptions, No. 47, l. 1 f.), Śrî-Śaka 1157 Manmatha-
saṁvatsarê Śrâvaṇa bahula 30 Gurau; and in numerous other instances.—(2) The use of the
nominative singular or plural, in apposition with an ordinal adjective, which, again, usually qualifies
the nâme of the saṁvatsara, of the sixty-years cycle, in the genitive case. This is a Drâviḍian
method, in constant use in Southern India. As typical and leading instances, I will quote, in re-
spect of the nominative singular, (a) a Baḷagâṁve inscription of Bijjala (Pâli, Sanskrit, and Old-
Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 183, l. 62), Śaka-varsham 1080neya Bahudhânya-saṁvatsarada Pushyada
puṇṇami Sômavârav=uttarâyaṇasaṁkrânti-vyatîpâta-sômagrahaṇad-andu; and, to illustrate a numer-
ous class of instances in which the crude form is used to represent the nominative singular, (b) a Baḷa-
gâṁve inscription of Sômêśvara II. (Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 209, l. 30 ff.), Śaka-varsha 997neya
Râkshasa-saṁvatsarada Pushya śuddha 1 Sômavârad-andin=uttarâyaṇasaṁkrânti-parva-nimittadiṁ;
and, in respect of the nominative plural, (c) the grant of Gôvinda III. (id. Vol. XI. p. 126, l. 1 ff.),
Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śataṅgaḷ=êḷ-nûṟ-irpatt-âṟaneyâ Subhânu embâ varshadd Vaiśâ-
khamâsa-kṛishṇapaksha-pañchamî Brihaspativâram=âgi, and (d) the Adaraguñchi inscription of Koṭ-
ṭiga or Khoṭṭiga (id. Vol. XII. p. 256, l. 7 ff.), Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śataṅgaḷ=eṇṭu nûṟa
tombhatta-mûṟaneya Prajâpati-saṁvatsaraṁ saluttam-ire tad-varsh-âbhyantarad=Âśvayujad=ama-
vâse Âdityavâra sûrya-grahaṇa.—(3) The use of the locative singular or plural, with the corresponding
locative, in apposition, of atikrânta, atîta, gata, nivṛitta, prayâta, samatîta, vyatîta, yâta, or
any similar word, signifying 'elapsed, or gone by.' Thus, in respect of the locative singular, (a)
the first date of the Mandasôr inscription of Kumâragupta and Bandhuvarman (No. 18 below, Pl. xi.
l. 19), Mâlavânâṁ gaṇa-sthityâ yâtê śata-chatushṭayê | tri-navaty-adhikê=bdânâm=ritau sêvya-
ghana-stanê || Sahasya-mâsa-śuklasya praśastê=hni trayôdaśê; and (b) the Sâmâṅgaḍ grant of

24 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
cation,—by a mahârâja of the Sanakânika¹ tribe or family, who was a feudatory of
Chandragupta II., but whose name, in line 2, is now illegible,—of, evidently, the two
groups of sculptures above which it is engraved.
Dantidurga (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 112, l. 30 f.), pañcha-saptaty-adhika-Śakakâla-saṁvatsara-śata-
shaṭkê vyatîtê saṁvat 675 pai(?pô or pau)hachchhikâyâ Mâgha-mâsa-ratha-saptamyâṁ tulâ-purusha-
sthitê. And, in respect of the locative plural, (c) the Bâdâmi cave inscription of Maṅgalîśa (Ind.
Ant. Vol. VI. p. 363, ll. 6 f., 11), Śaka-nṛipati-râjyâbhishêka-saṁvatsarêshv=atikrântêshu pañchasu
śatêshu . . . . . mahâ-Kârttika-paurṇamâsyâm; (d) the Harihar grant of Vinayâditya (id. Vol. VII.
p. 302, l. 23 ff.), shôḍaś-ôttara-shaṭ-chhatêshu Śaka-varshêshv=atîtêshu pravardhamâna-vijaya-râjya-
saṁvatsarê chaturdaśê vartamânê . . . . . Kârttika-paurṇamâsyâṁ; and (e) the Kauṭhêm grant of Vi-
kramâditya V. (id. Vol. XVI. p. 24, l. 61 f.), Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śatêshu navasu triṁśad-
adhikêshu gatêshu 930 pravartamâna-Saumya-saṁvatsarê paurṇamâsyâṁ sômagrahaṇa-parvaṇi.—
(4) The use, as in the present instance, of the simple locative single or plural, without any participle
signifying 'elapsed or gone by,' in apposition. Thus, in respect of the locative singular, (a) the
Gûnda inscription of the Kshatrapa Rudrasiṁha (Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 157, l. 3), varshê dvy-uttara-
śatê saṁ 200 2 Vaiśâkha-śuddha-pañchamî-Dhanya-tithau Śravaṇa-nakshatra-muhûrtê; (b) a
Mathurâ inscription of Vâsudêva (Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. III. p. 35, and Pl. xv. No. 20, l. 1),
saṁvatsarê 90 8 Varshâ-mâsê 4 dva sê 10; (c) the Majhgawâṁ grant of the Mahârâja Hastin (No. 23
below, Pl. xiv. l. 1 f.), êka-navaty-uttarê=bda-śatê Gupta-nṛipa-râjya-bhuktau śrîmati pravardhamâna-
MahâChaitra-saṁvatsarê Mâghamâsa-bahulapaksha-tṛitîyâyâm; and (d) the Alînâ grant of Śîlâditya
VII. (No. 39 below, Plate xxv. l. 77 f.), saṁvatsara-śata-chatushṭayê sapta-chatvâriṁśad-adhikê
Jyêshṭha-śuddha-pañchamyâṁ aṅkataḥ saṁvat 400 40 7 Jyêshṭha śu 5. And, in respect of the loca-
tive plural, (e) the Waṇî grant of Gôvinda III. (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 159, l. 46 f.), Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-
âtîta-saṁvatsara-śatêshu saptasu triṁśad-adhikêshu Vyaya-saṁvatsarê Vaiśâkha-sita-paurṇamâsî-
sômagrahaṇa-mahâparvaṇi; and (f) the Pâṭan grant of Bhîma II. (id. Vol. XI. p. 71, l. 17 ff.), śrîmad-
Vikramâdity-ôtpâdita-saṁvatsara-śatêshu dvâdaśasu shaṭ-pañchâśad-uttarêshu Bhâdrapadamâsa-
kṛishṇapaksh-âmâvâsyâyâṁ Bhaumavârê=tr=âṅkatô=pi saṁvat 1256 laukika Bhâdrapada ba di 15
Bhaumê.—And (5) the use of the abbreviations saṁ and saṁvat, standing alone, and not explained
by a full record in words as they are in instances (3, b) and (4, a, d, f) above. This method, however,
throws no light on the question now under discussion; and the use of these abbreviations will form the
subject of a separate note.—Now, in the cases illustrated by the examples given under (2) above, it can
hardly be disputed that current years are intended; the very construction,—e.g. in (2, a) "Monday,
the full-moon day of (the month) Pushya of the Bahudhânya saṁvatsara, (which is) the 1080th Śaka
year,"—prevents any other interpretation. And, in the examples given under (1), it is difficult to see
how, without imagining an elliptical construction for which no actual example can be quoted as an
authority, the nominative case could be used to denote any but the current year. With these ex-
amples, and the plain record of the Gwâlior inscription, before us, when we find that in a certain class
of instances (3, a to e) the locative case is uniformly coupled with a word distinctly meaning 'expired
or gone by' in apposition, whereas in another class of instances (4, a to f) any such word is as uni-
formly omitted, there is nothing to prevent our giving, but on the contrary every reason to induce us
to give, to the simple locative, in the last class of instances, its natural and ordinary meaning of "in
such and such a year," i.e. "while such and such a year is current." This is the meaning that is
always given to the simple locative in a regnal date; thus, in a Nâsik inscription (Archæol. Surv.
West. Ind. Vol. IV. pp. 108, l. 1, 109),—siri-Puḷumâyisa saṁvachharê êkunavîsê 19,—"in the nine-
teenth (19) year of the illustrious Puḷumâyi." It has never been attempted to maintain that, in such
a record as this, the text means "the nineteenth year having expired." And there is no reason why
any such forced interpretation should be put on the simple locative expressing the number of years
of an era; especially when we bear in mind that almost every era owes its origin to only an exten-
sion of regnal dates, and that the system of expired years can only have been devised when a con-
siderable advance had been made in astronomical science.
¹ In the fourth syllable, the vowel here is the short i; but in the same word in the Allâhâbâd
pillar inscription, No. 1 above, line 22, page 8, it is long.

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 4, PLATE III A. 25
TEXT.¹
1 Siddham || Saṁvatsarê 80 2 Âshâḍha-mâsa-śukl-ê(ai)kâdaśyâm |
paramabhaṭṭâraka-mahârâjâdhi²-śrî-Chandra[g]upta-pâd-ânuddhyâtasya |³
2 mahârâja-Chhagalaga-pautrasya mahârâja-Vishṇudâsa-putrasya Sanakâ-
nikasya mahâr[âja]- . . ḍha(?)lasy=âyaṁ dêya-dharmmaḥ ||
TRANSLATION.
Perfection has been attained !⁴ In the year 80 (and) 2, on the eleventh lunar day of
the bright fortnight of the month Âshâḍha,—this (is) the appropriate religious gift⁵
of the Sanakânika,⁶ the Mahârâja . . ḍhala (?),—the son's son of the Mahârâja
Chhagalaga; (and) the son of the Mahârâja Vishṇudâsa,—who meditates on the feet
of the Paramabhaṭṭâraka and Mahârâjâdhirâja, the glorious Chandragupta (II.)
No. 4; PLATE III A.
MATHURA STONE INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II.
THIS inscription, which has not been previously edited in full, was discovered in 1853
by General Cunningham, and was first brought to notice by him in his first Archæo-
¹ From the original stone.
² Read mahârâjâdhirâja.—With the reading of this inscription, which may perhaps be, not an
omission by the engraver, but a conventional abbreviation of the full title, we may compare maraja-
Sha, i. e. mahârâjâdhi, for mahârâjâdhirâja, on one of the silver coins of Skandagupta (Ind. Ant.
Vol. XIV. p. 66 f.)
³ This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
⁴ siddham.—On the analogy of an inscription (Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. V. Plate xliH.), which
commences Siddhiḥ Śrîḥ Saṁvat, &c.,—to which we may add another inscription (Jour. Beng.
As. Soc. Vol. XXIX. p. 18, and Vol. XXX. p. 13) commencing Siddhiḥ Saṁvat, &c.—Dr. Bühler
(Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 273) takes siddham, at the commencement of inscriptions, as a nominative case
standing by itself, and translates it by ‘success.’ But it seems to me to be clearly the remnant of some
such phrase as siddhaṁ bhagavatâ, “perfection or success has been attained by the Divine One,”
analogous to the jitaṁ bhagavatâ, “victory has been achieved by the Divine One,” of, for instance,
the Gaḍhwâ inscription of Kumâragupta, No. 8 below, Plate ivC., and the grant of the Pallava Yuva-
mahârâja Vishṇugôpavarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 51). We may also compare jitaṁ . . . . .
Vishṇunâ in the Tuśâm inscription, No. 67 below, Plate xlA. And we have the remnant of another
analogous expression, in dṛishṭam, “sight (i.e. clearness of perception in religious matters) has been
attained (by the Divine One),” at the commencement of, for instance, the Chammak and Siwanî plates
of the Mahârâja Pravarasêna II., Nos. 55 and 56 below, Plates xxxiv. and xxxv.—In his remarks referred
to above, Dr. Bühler tells us that, in the Mahâbhâshya (Kielhorn’s edition, pp. 5, 6) siddham is
quoted as a maṅgala or ‘auspicious invocation;’ and refers us to some remarks, supporting this, by
Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 346.—As helping to illustrate the meaning, ‘perfection,’
by which I render siddham, I would refer to the use of siddha by the Jains to denote their saints who
have attained siddhi or ‘perfection or final beatitude,’ and who are invoked, under this epithet, in, for
instance, the Udayagiri inscription of the year 106, No. 61 below, Plate xxxviiiA. line 1.
⁵ dêya-dharma; lit. ‘(a gift of) religion, which is proper to be given.’—Monier Williams, in
his Saṁskṛit Dictionary, renders it by ‘the duty of giving, charity, beneficence;’ Dowson, by ‘votive
offering’ (e.g. Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S. Vol. V. p. 184); and Bühler and Bhagwanlal Indraji, by
‘meritorious gift, or benefaction’ (e. g. Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 83).
⁶ See page 8 above, note 1.
E₂

26 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
logical Report, which, originally printed in 1863 as a supplement to the Journal of the
Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXII. pp. iii. to cxix., was in 1871 reprinted, with the
addition of Plates, as Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. I., in which the inscription is noticed on
p. 237.—Subsequently, in 1873, in the Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. III. p. 37, and Plate xvi.
No. 24, he published a reduced lithograph of it, shewing the completion of the lines as
arranged by him.
The inscription is on a red-sandstone fragment, about 10" broad by 11½" high, cracked
across the lower proper right corner, which was found, with its face downwards, forming
part of the pavement immediately outside the Katrâ¹ gateway at **Mathurâ,**² the chief town
of the Mathurâ District in the North-West Provinces. The original stone is now in the
Provincial Museum at Lâhôr.
The writing, which covers the entire front of the stone, about 10" broad by 11½" high,
is in a state of very fair preservation. It is only a fragment; the first line has been almost
entirely destroyed, and an indefinite number of lines have been entirely broken away and lost
at the bottom of the stone; and, in addition to this, from one to nine aksharas have been
broken away and lost at the commencement of the lines, and from one to five at the ends
of the lines, except in lines 8 and 9.—The size of the letters varies from ⅜" to ¾". The
characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. They are of radically the same
stock with those of the Allâhâbâd posthumous pillar inscription of Samudragupta, No. 1
above, but with several essential differences in details; the most noticeable of these are
(1) the very marked curve in the left downward stroke of m, which I have noticed, at page 3
above, as belonging originally to an earlier form of this letter than that which occurs in the
Allâhâbâd inscription; (2) a slanting straight stroke, instead of a circular loop, at the
bottom of the left downward stroke of s; and (3) the formation of the lower part of h en-
tirely to the right, instead of its sloping downwards only slightly to the right and then
turning up very markedly to the left.—The language is Sanskrit; and the extant portion
of the inscription is in prose throughout.—The orthography does not present anything
calling for remark.
The inscription is one of the Early Gupta king Chandragupta II. His name
does not occur in the portion that is extant. But the instrumental case putrêṇa in line 9,
immediately after the mention, in the genitive case, of Samudragupta, shews that the
genealogy was continued down to, and ended with, his son and chosen successor, whose
name came in line 11 or 12, and who is known from the subsequent records to have been
Chandragupta II.; and that the subject of the inscription was an act of the latter. The
date of the inscription, if any was recorded, and the subject of it, were in the portion that
has been broken away and lost.
**TEXT.**³
1 . . . . . . [Sarvva-râj-ôchhêttuḥ prithiv]y[âm=apratiratha]-
2 [sya chatur-udadhi-sali]l-âsvâdita-ya[śasô Dha]-
3 [nada-Varuṇ-Êndr-Ântaka-sa]masya Kṛitânta-[paraśôḥ]
4 [nyây-âgat-ânêka-gô]-hiraṇya-kôti-prada[sya chir-ô]-
¹ katrâ is the common word used in that part of the country for ‘an enclosed market-place.’
² The ‘Matra, Muthra, and Muttra,’ of maps, &c. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 50. Lat. 27° 30′ N.;
Long. 77° 43′ E.
³ From the original stone.—The passages that have been broken away are supplied from the
Allâhâbâd posthumous pillar inscription of Samudragupta, No. 1, lines 24, 26, 28, and 29, page 8 above,
and from lines 1 to 4 of the Bhitarî pillar inscription of Skandagupta, No. 13 below, Plate vii.

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 4, PLATE III A. 27
5 [tsann - aśvamēdh - āharttur = mma]hārāja - śrī - Gupta - prapau[t]r[asya]
6 [mahārāja-śrī-Ghaṭōtka]cha-pautrasya mahārājādhir[āja]-
7 [śrī-Chandragupta-pu]trasya Lichchhavi-dauhitrasya mahā[dē]-
8 [vyāṁ Kumāra]d[ē]vyām=utpannasya mahārājādhirā-
9 [ja-śrī-Sa]mudraguptasya putrēṇa tat-parigṛi-
10 [hī]t[ē]na mahādēv[y]āṁ Dat[t]adēv[y]ām=ut[p]an[n]ē-
11 [na¹ paramabhāgavatēna mahārājādhirāja-śrī]-
12 [Chandraguptēna] ..........................
(The rest of the inscription is entirely
broken away and lost.)
TRANSLATION.
(Line 8.)—By him who is the son,—accepted by him,² (and) begotten on the
Mahādēvī Dattadēvī,— of the Mahārājādhirāja, [the glorious] Samudragupta,—
(L. 1.)—[Who³ was the exterminator of all kings;⁴ who had no antagonist (of
equal power)] in the world; [whose fame was] tasted [by the waters of the four oceans⁵];
¹ I add these two lines in order to shew the continuation of the construction of this record.
² See page 12 above, note 1.
³ i.e. Samudragupta.
⁴ sarva-rāj-ōchchhéttri.—In the nominative case, sarva-rāj-ōchchēttā, this epithet occurs on the
reverse of some gold coins, hitherto always classed in the Early Gupta series (see Jour. Beng. As. Soc.
Vol. LIII. Part I. p. 169 f., and Pl. ii. No. 1; also Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 36, and Pl. vii.
No. 1), which have on the obverse the name of Kācha, in the place where the king's name usually
stands on coins, with the marginal legend kāchō gām=avajitya karmabhir=uttamair=jayati,
“Kācha, having conquered the earth, is victorious by (his) most excellent deeds,” and which have
always been attributed to the Mahārāja Ghaṭōtkacha, the grandfather of Samudragupta.—But, in
the first place, the name on these coins is distinctly Kācha, and nothing more; and kācha, which
means ‘glass, crystal; the string of the scale of a balance; alkaline salt, black salt; wax; &c.,’ is a
tōtally different word from utkacha, ‘having the hairs (of the body) standing erect (through pleasure),’
which is the second component of the name of Ghaṭōtkacha. Secondly, Ghaṭōtkacha, being only a
feudatory Mahārāja, was not entitled to issue a coinage in his own name. And thirdly, the epithet
sarva-rāj-ōchchhettri on the reverse, is, in the inscriptions, always applied to Samudragupta, and
to him only.—There is nothing distinctive in this epithet, sufficient to shew that it belonged only
to the Early Gupta dynasty (and, in that dynasty, to Samudragupta). Nor, I think, is it absolutely
certain that these coins belong to the Early Gupta series. But the general appearance of them,
with the legends on them, justifies such an opinion. And, if they are Early Gupta coins, then they
must be attributed to Samudragupta, not to Ghaṭōtkacha; and Kācha must, in that case, be a personal
and less formal name of Samudragupta; and with it we may compare such instances as Śāba,
‘cadaverous, of a dark yellowish colour, tawny; the young of any animal,’ used as a second name
of Vīrasēna, a minister of Chandragupta II. (No. 6 below, Plate ivA. line 4); Vyāghra, ‘a tiger,’
applied to a Jain named Rudrasōma (No. 15 below, Plate ixA.); and Permāḍi (also Parmāḍi, Par-
māṇḍi and Paramardi), a name of the Western Chālukya king Vikramāditya VI. (Jour. Bo. Br. R.
As. Soc. Vol. XI. pp. 225, l. 9, 253, l. 14; Bühler’s Vikramāṅkadēvacharita, Introd. p. 30, note 2; and
Rājataraṁgiṇī, vii. 1122, 1124).—The only other instances, known to me, in which the name Kācha
occurs, are in the case of two rulers or chieftains, Kācha I. and Kācha II., mentioned in one of the
inscriptions in the Ajaṇṭā caves (Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 129, lines 4, 6), belong-
ing to a period that is at any rate appreciably later than that of the Early Guptas.
⁵ i.e. “whose fame extended up to the shores of the four oceans.”—Jambudvīpa, or the central
division of the known world, including India, was supposed to be surrounded on all sides by the
ocean.
E 2.

28 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
who was equal to (the gods) [Dhanada and Varuṇa and Indra and Antaka]; who was
[the very axe] of (the god) Kṛitānta;¹ who was the giver of [many] millions of [lawfully
acquired cows] and gold; [who was the restorer of the aśvamêdha-sacrifice,² that had
been long in abeyance];—
(L. 5.)—Who³ was the son of the son’s son of the Mahārāja, the illustrious
Gupta; the son’s son of [the Mahārāja, the illustrious] Ghaṭôtkacha; (and) the son
of the Mahārājādhirāja [the glorious Chandragupta (I.)], (and) the daughter’s son of
Lichchhavi, begotten on the Mahādêvî Kumāradêvî;—
(L. 11.)—[By him,⁴ the most devout worshipper of the Divine One,⁵ the
Mahārājādhirāja, the glorious Chandragupta (II.)], . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
(The rest of the inscription is entirely
broken away and lost.)

¹ Kṛitānta-paraśu.—This is another of the formal epithets which are always applied to
Samudragupta, and to him only. In the nominative case, Kṛitānta-paraśuḥ, it occurs on the reverse
of some of his gold coins; see, for instance, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. III. Part I. p. 177 f., and Pl.
ii. No. 11.
² A ceremony which centred in a horse, and was concluded after the selected steed had been
turned loose for a year to roam about at will, guarded by armed men. The ceremony appears
to have ended sometimes in the actual immolation of the horse, but sometimes only in keeping it
bound during the celebration of the final rites. The successful celebration of a hundred aśvamêdhas
was supposed to raise the sacrificer to a level with the god Indra.—The present epithet, aśvamêdh-
âhartṛi, is another of those which are always applied to Samudragupta, and to him only. With it we
have to compare the legend aśvamêdha-parākramaḥ, “he who has displayed prowess by a horse-
sacrifice,” on some of the gold coins which are attributed to Samudragupta; see, for instance,
Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LIII. Part I. p. 175 ff., and Pl. ii. No. 9; and Archæol. Surv. West. Ind.
Vol. II. p. 37 f., and Pl. vii. No. 4.
³ i.e. Samudragupta.
⁴ See page 27 above, note 1.
⁵ paramabhāgavata; lit. ‘a most devout worshipper of (the god) Bhagavat.’—This epithet is
supplied from the subsequent inscriptions, and the coins of Chandragupta II. himself.—It is a technical
sectarian title, analogous to paramamāhêśvara (e.g. No. 38 below, line 2), paramasaugata (e.g.
No. 52 below, line 8), paramavaishṇava (e.g. lines a and 1 of the Dighwā-Dubaulî grant of the
Mahārāja Mahêndrapāla; Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 112), paramapāśupata (e.g. line 8 of the Verâwal
inscription of Arjunadêva; id. Vol. XI. p. 242), and paramadaivata (e.g. line 1 of the Nêpâl inscrip-
tion of Vasantasêna; id. Vol. IX. p. 167, No. 3). Other similar epithets, but not formed in quite
the same way, are paramabrahmaṇya (e.g. line 39 of the grant of Amma II.; id. Vol. VII. p. 16);
paramâdityabhakta (e.g. No. 38 below, line 10); and paramabhagavatîbhakta (e.g. lines e, i, k, 3, 6,
and 7 of the Dighwā-Dubaulî grant referred to above); also atyantamāhêśvara and atyantasvāmi-
mahābhairavabhakta, e.g. No. 55 below, lines 9 and 4; and atyantabhagavadbhakta, in No. 19 below,
line 6, and No. 36, line 4. — Bhagavat, ‘venerable, revered, sacred, divine, holy,’ was used as a title
of priests, e.g. lines 5 and 6 of a Paṭṭadakal inscription of Vijayâditya and Vikramâditya II., where
it is applied to two Āchāryas (Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 165, No. 101); and also of any saintly personage,
e.g. line 12 of No. 23 below, where it is applied to Vyāsa, the arranger of the Vêdas. And it was
also used as an epithet of any god or object of worship; thus, it is applied to Buddha, in line 6 of
No. 62 below; to Vishṇu, in line 6 of No. 32 below; to Śambhu (Śiva) in line 5 of No. 7 below; to
Svāmi-Mahāsêna (Kārttikêya), in line 7 of No. 10 below; to Varuṇavāsin (the Sun), in line 13 of No.
46 below; and to Jinêndra, in line 1 of the Aihoḷe Mêguṭi inscription of Pulikêśin II. (Ind. Ant. Vol.
VIII. p. 241). But it seems to belong most particularly to the god Vishṇu (see, for instance, the
Vishṇu-Purāṇa, vi. 5; Hall’s edition of H. H. Wilson’s Translation, Vol. V. p. 211 ff.), and to
denote him whenever there is nothing in the context to give it any other application; and, as well-
known instances of its use in this way, we may quote Bhagavadgîtā, the name of an episode of
the Mahābhārata devoted entirely to the subject of devotion to Vishṇu as Kṛishṇa; Bhāgavata-

Vol. III. CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. Plate iii
A.—Mathura Inscription of Chandragupta II.
2
4
6
8
10
SCALE .27
B.—Sanchi Inscription of Chandragupta II.—The Year 93.
2
4
6
8
10
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

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THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS: No. 5, PLATE III B. 29
No. 5; PLATE III B.
SANCHI STONE INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II.
THE YEAR 93.
THIS inscription was first brought to notice in 1834, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc.
Vol. III. p. 488 ff., where a lithograph of it was published (id. Plate xxviii.), reduced
by Mr. James Prinsep from a copy by Mr. B. H. Hodgson. This lithograph was not
accompanied by any details of the contents of the inscription ; and it is a very imperfect
one ; especially in shewing no traces whatever of the first six or seven letters of each line,
all the way down.—And in 1837, in the same Journal, Vol. VI. p. 451 ff., Mr. Prinsep pub-
lished his reading of the text, and a translation of it,¹ accompanied by a lithograph,
reduced from copies on cloth and paper made by Captain Edward Smith, of the Engineers
(id. Plate xxv.)
**Sâñchi, or Sâchi,**² is a village about twelve miles to the north-east of Dîwângañj, the
chief town of the Dîwângañj Tahsîl or Sub-Division of the Native State of Bhôpâl or
Bhûpâl³ in Central India. It is sometimes called Sâñchi-Kânâkhêḍâ, through its name
being coupled with that of another small village immediately on the north of it.
The writing, which covers a space of about 2′ 6¼″ broad by 1′ 9″ high, is on the
outer side of the top rail in the second row, outside and on the south side of the eastern

Purâṇa, the title of one of the Purâṇas, dedicated especially to the glorification of Vishṇu ; and
Bhâgavata, which occurs in line 7 of the Khôh plates of the Mahârâja Jayanâtha of the year 177,
No. 27 below, Plate xvii., and is, to the present time, the name of one of the Vaishṇava sects.
—It may be taken, therefore, that Paramabhâgavata is exclusively a Vaishṇava title.
¹ The translation is reprinted in Thomas’ edition of Prinsep’s Essays, Vol. I. p. 246.
² Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 53. Lat. 23° 28′ N.; Long. 77° 48′ E.—The ‘Sachi, Sacha Kana
Kheyra, and Sachi Kanakera,’ of maps, &c. — The name is pronounced both Sâñchi and Sâchi ;
but with a preference, as far as my observation went, for the nasalised form. The alternative forms
have already been pointed out by Gen. Cunningham in Bhilsa Topes, p. 181, where he suggests that
the name is most probably only the spoken form of the Saṁskṛit śânti, ‘tranquillity, calmness,’ &c.,—
since the term śânti-samgha, ‘the community of tranquillity,’ occurs in the Aśôka inscription at
Sâñchi (Bhilsa Topes, p. 259 ff. and Plate xix. No. 177); and since the Chinese transcribed śânti
by sa-chi. But the ancient name of Sâñchi, at least from the Aśôka to the Gupta period, was
Kâkanâda (see page 31 below, para. 5); and this seems to indicate that the name Sâñchi is of com-
paratively modern introduction. Also, though I could not find the places on the map, I was
informed that there are at least two other villages in the neighbourhood, named Sâñchi or Sâchi,
with no Buddhist remains at them. And this,—with the analogous names of Kâchi-Kânâkhêḍâ,
a village about one and a half miles to the south-west of Sâñchi (in which kâchi is either an Urdu,
or a Rângaḍî or local vernacular, word, meaning ‘gardener’), and of Mâchi, a village somewhere in
the same neighbourhood, which I noticed in a local topographical map, but cannot now find again in
the Indian Atlas,—suggests that Sâñchi or Sâchi is probably a vernacular name, connected in no
way with the Saṁskṛit.
³ This name is written and pronounced Bhôpâl by Musalmâns, and Bhûpâl by Hindus. It has
been suggested that it is a corruption of Bhôj-pâl, ‘the tank or embankment of king Bhoja.’ But
I think it is far more likely that the original and correct name is Bhûpâl, from the Saṁskṛit bhûpâla,
‘a king, or the king.’ The State, however, is a Musalmân State; and Bhôpâl is the form of the
name that has been established by long official usage.

30                          CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
gateway of the Great Stûpa.¹ The inscription is very well preserved, with the exception
that two or three letters are destroyed and quite illegible near the commencement of each
line as far as line 8.—The average size of the letters is ⅝". The characters belong to the
southern class of alphabets, and approximate most closely to, in the present volume, those
of the Mandasôr inscription of Kumâragupta and Bandhuvarman, No. 18 below, Plate xi.,
and, elsewhere, those of the Aihoḷe Mêguṭi inscription² of the Western Chalukya king
Pulikêśin II. of Śaka-Saṁvat 556 (A.D. 634-35). They include, in line 11, forms of the
numerical symbols for 3, 4, and 90.—The language is Saṁskṛit; and the inscription
is in prose throughout.—In respect of orthography, the only point that calls for notice
is the use of the dental s, instead of the visarga or the upadhmanîya, in conjunction with
p, in yaśas-patâka, line 4.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Early Gupta king Chandragupta
II. Its date, in numerical symbols, is the year³ ninety-three (A.D. 412-13), on the fourth
day, without any specification of the lunar fortnight, of the month Bhâdrapada (August-
¹ Stûpa, 'a heap or pile of earth; any heap or pile or mound,' is the technical name of a
certain kind of Buddhist monument, consisting of a mound, more or less elaborate, and with or
without masonry work, erected over sacred relics of Buddha and his followers.—The English cor-
ruption, Tope, is from the Prâkṛit form thûpa.—In the country round Sâñchi, I found the popular
term for a Stûpa to be bîṭâ (Hindî, bîṭaurâ), which means literally 'a heap of dried cowdung-cakes
to be used as fuel.' The great Stûpa at Sâñchi is known as Sâs-bahû kâ bîṭâ, "the heap of dried
cowdung-cakes of the mother-in-law and her daughter-in-law." And with this name we may
compare Sâs-bahû kâ dêhrâ, "the temple of the mother-in-law and her daughter-in-law," which is
the popular name of the temple at Gwâlior in which there is the long Sanskrit inscription of the
Kachchhapaghâta prince Mahîpâla, dated Vikrama-Saṁvat 1150 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 33 ff.)
² Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 241 ff., and the accompanying plate.
³ The text has the abbreviation saṁ, which may stand either for the crude form saṁvatsara, 'a
year,' or for any declensional case that can be used in expressing a date (see page 22 above, note
5). The same remark applies to the form saṁvat, which occurs, for instance, in saṁvat 100 90 1
Śrâvaṇa ba di 7, in line 2 of the Êraṇ posthumous pillar inscription of Gôparâja, No. 20 below, Plate
xiiB.—It was formerly thought that the word saṁvat was used only in connection with the Vikrama
era commencing B.C. 57. But fuller experience has shewn that both the forms are used freely in
respect of the years of any era whatsoever.—They are used sometimes by themselves, as in the present
passage, and in the instance quoted above for saṁvat; and sometimes in composition with the name
of the era; as, for instance, in the Ambarnâth inscription of the chieftain Mâmvâṇi (Jour. Bo. Br. R.
As. Soc. Vol. IX. p. 219, and Vol. XII. p. 329, l. 1), Śaka-saṁvat 782 Jyêshṭha śuddha 9 Śukrê, and in
the Sômnâth-Pâṭhaṇ inscription of Arjunadêva of Aṇhilvâḍ (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 242, l. 2 ff.), Maham-
mada-saṁvat 662 tathâ śrî-nṛipa-Vikrama-saṁ 1320 tathâ śrî-śrīmad-Valabhî-saṁ 945 tathâ śrî-Siṁha-
saṁ 151 varshê Âshâḍha va di 13 Ravau.—The form saṁvat represents the genitive plural, saṁvat-
sarâṇâm, in such passages as Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śatêshv=ashṭasu chatur-navaty-
adhikêshv=aṅkataḥ saṁvat 894 &c., in the Kardâ grant of the Râshṭrakûṭa king Kakka III. (Ind. Ant.
Vol. XII. p. 266, l. 47 f.), as contrasted with Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śatêshv=ashṭasu pañcha-
pañchâśad-adhikêshv=aṅkatô=pi saṁvatsarâṇâm 855 &c., in the Sânglî grant of Gôvinda V. of the
same dynasty (id. Vol. XII. p. 251, l. 44 f.); the latter is the only passage that I know of, in which the
full genitive case occurs in connection with the numerals. And it evidently stands for the full loca-
tive singular and plural respectively, in such passages as Saṁvat pañcha-saptaty-adhika-dvâdaśa-śat-
âṅkê 1275 &c., in the Chârwâ inscription of Dêvapâla of Dhârâ (No. 10 of the separate publications
of the Archæological Survey of Western India, p. 111, l. 4), and in Śaka-saṁvat êka-navaty-adhika-
nava-śatêshu saṁvat 991 &c., in the Bassein grant of Sêuṇachandra II. (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 120,
l. 24 f.)—Monier Williams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, gives saṁvat as an indeclinable; and of course
it properly is so. I am able, however, to quote two epigraphical instances, of modern date, in which
it is used as a declinable; (1) in verse 30 of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's Nêpâl Inscription, No. 19, of
Pratâpamalla, dated Nêpâla-Saṁvat 778 (A.D. 1658-59); Nêpâlê saṁvatê=smin=haya-giri-munibhiḥ

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 5, PLATE III, B. 31
September). It is a Buddhist inscription; and the object of it is to record the grant, by
Amrakârdava or Âmrakârdava, the son of Undâna, and apparently an officer of
Chandragupta II., of a village, or an allotment of land, called Îśvaravâsaka, and a sum
of money, to the Ârya-Saṁgha, or community of the faithful, at the great vihâra or
Buddhist convent of Kâkanâdabôṭa, for the purpose of feeding mendicants and main-
taining lamps.
The Kâkanâdabôṭa convent is, of course, the Great Stûpa itself. The name is
partially destroyed in the present inscription; but it is legible in full in line 2 of the other
Sâñchi inscription of the year 131, No. 62 below, Plate xxxviii B. It is not quite certain
what meaning is to be allotted to bôṭa in this name; but it is probably another form of pôṭa,
'the foundation of a house.'¹ The rest of the name, Kâkanâda, lit. 'the noise of the
crow,' is the ancient name of Sâñchi itself. This is shewn by its occurring in at least two
of the inscriptions of the Aśôka period in the neighbourhood, to which my attention was
directed by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji; thus, (1) an inscription on the outside of the east gate
of the great Stûpa at Sâñchi (Bhilsa Topes, p. 241, and Plate xvi. No. 39) should evidently
be read Kâkaṇâyê bhagavatô pamâna-laṭhi, "the measuring-staff (?) of (Buddha), the
Divine One, at Kâkanâda;" and (2) the inscription on the top of the lid of the steatite
casket found in Stûpa No. 2 at 'Andher' (id. p. 347, and Plate xxix. No. 7) should plainly
be read Sapurisasa Gôtiputasa Kâkanâda-Pabhâsanasa Kôḍiña-gôtasa, "(the relics) of
the virtuous Prabhâsana of Kâkanâda, the Gôtiputra, of the Kauṇḍinya gôtra."
TEXT.³
1 Siddham² [॥*] Kâ[kanâ⁴]dabôṭa-srî-mahâ-vihârê śîla-samâdhi-prajñâ-guṇa-
bhâvit-êndriyâya parama-puṇya-
2 kri . . . . tâya chatur-ddig-abhyâgatâya śramaṇa-puṅgav-âvasathây=âryya-
saṅghâya mahârâjâdhi-
3 râ[ja-ś]r[î]-Chandragupta-pâda-prasâd-âpyâyita-jîvita=sâdhanaḥ anujîvi-satpurusha-
sadbhâva-
4 vri[ttim(?)] jagati prakhyâpayan anêka-samar-âvâpta-vijaya-yaśas-patâkaḥ
Sukuli-dêśa-Na-
5 shṭî . . . . . vâstavya Undâna-putr-Amrakârddavô Maja-Śarabhaṅg-
Âmrarâta-râjakula-mûlya-krî-
6 tam(?) . . . . ya . . Îśvaravâsakaṁ pañcha-maṇḍalyâ[ṁ*] praṇipatya
dadâti pañcha-viṁśatiś(ñ)-cha dînâ-
saṁyutê &c. (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 191); and (2) in an unpublished Chambâ inscription which con-
tains several dates in the Vikrama-Saṁvat ad Lôkakâla, commencing with Vikrama-Saṁvat 1915
(A.D. 1858-59); in line 11 f. we have Saṁvatî 34 Śrâvaṇa-pra° 17 lat saṁvatî 36 dâ Śrâvaṇa-śuddha
..... &c.
¹ In the present series of inscriptions, bôṭa or vôṭa occurs again (1) as part of a proper name
in Raṅkabôṭa, in line 8 of No. 27, Plate xvii. below; and (2) as a territorial name, in the Vôṭa santika
in line 6 f. of No. 29, Plate xixA. below.—Monier Williams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, gives pôṭâ, bôṭâ,
and vôṭâ, in the sense of 'a woman with a beard; a hermaphrodite; a female servant or slave.'—
And we have Bôṭaka, as a proper name, in line 25 of No. 38 below, Plate xxiv.
² From the original stone.
³ In the original, this word, which is very much damaged and hardly recognisable, stands above
the first two aksharas of line 1.
⁴ These two aksharas are supplied from line 2 of the Sâñchi inscription of the year 131, No. 62
below, Plate xxxviiiB., in which they are quite distinct.
29. A

32 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
7 rân [II*] Ta[d-da]tta-........ yâd=arddhêna mahârâjâdhirâja-śrî-
Chandraguptasya Dêvarâja iti pri-
8 ya-nâm........y.tasya¹ sarvva-guṇa-sampattayê yâvach=chandr-âdityau
tâvat=pancha bhikshavô bhuñja-
9 tâm ratna-grihê [cha dî]pakô jvalatu [I*] mama ch=âpar-ârddhât=pañch=
aiva bhikshavô bhuñjatâm ratna-grihê cha
10 dîpaka iti [II*] Tad=êtat-pravṛittaṁ ya uchchhindyât=sa gô-brahma-hatyayâ
saṁyuktô bhavêt=pañchabhiś=ch=âna-
11 ntaryyair=iti [II*] Saṁ² 90 3 Bhâdrapada di³ 4 [II*]
TRANSLATION.
Perfection has been attained! To the community of the faithful⁴ in the holy great
vihâra of Kâkanâdabôta,—in which the organs of sense (of the members of it) have
been subdued by the virtues of (good) character, religious meditation, and wisdom; which
............ deeds of the very highest religious merit; which has come together from the
four quarters of the world; (and) which is the abode of most excellent Śramaṇas,—having
prostrated himself in an assembly of five persons,⁵ Âmrakârdava,⁶ the son of
Undâna,—whose means of subsistence have been made comfortable by the favour of the
feet of the Mahârâjâdhirâja, the glorious Chandragupta (II.); who is publishing in
the world the amiable behaviour of the virtuous people who are the dependents (of the
king); who has acquired banners of victory and fame in many battles; (and) who is an
inhabitant of (the town of) Nashtî...... in the Sukuli dêśa,⁷—gives (the village or
¹ We might very suitably supply the lacunæ by reading Dêvarâja iti priya-nâm=[âmâtyô
bhavat]y=[ê]tasya.
² See page 30 above, note 3.
³ i.e. dina, dinê, divasa, or divasê. And the word properly denotes the solar day, from sunrise
to sunrise, with which a week-day name would be coupled; not the lunar tithi, which may coincide
with, or more or less may differ from, the solar day and week-day.
⁴ Ârya-Saṁgha.
⁵ pañcha-maṇḍalî is evidently the same as the Pañchâît, Pañchâyat, or Pañch, of modern times,
the village-jury of five (or more) persons, convened to settle a dispute by arbitration, to witness and
sanction any art of importance, &c.—Compare pâñchâlî (perhaps a mistake of the engraver for
pañchâlî), which seems to be used in the same sense, in line 16 of Bhagwanlal Indraji's Nêpâl Inscrip-
tions, No. 10 (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 173).—So also pâñchâlika, in No. 4 of the same series, line 11
(id. p. 168), No. 7, lines 13 and 15 (p. 170), and No. 13, line 20 (p. 177), seems to mean the members
of certain Pañchâyats which are in each instance specified by name.
⁶ Or Âmrakârdava.
⁷ dêśa, 'a region, country, province, &c.,' is a technical territorial term, the exact meaning and
bearing of which have not yet been determined. So, also, khaṇḍa, 'a section;' maṇḍala, 'a circle,
district, arrondissement, province, &c.;' râshṭra, 'a kingdom, district, country, region, &c.;' and
vishaya, 'a country, region, district, province, &c.'—Dêsa is sometimes used as a synonym of
maṇḍala. Thus, in line 7 of a grant of Amma II. of about Śaka-Saṁvat 867 or A.D. 945-46 (Ind.
Ant. Vol. VII. p. 16), and in line 6 of another grant of the same (id. Vol. VIII. p. 74), the kingdom of
the Eastern Chalukyas is called the Vêṅgî dêśa. While, in line 17 of a grant of Amma I. (id. Vol.
VIII. p. 79), and in line 8 of another of Bhîma II. (id. Vol. XIII. p. 213), it is called the Veṅgî maṇ-
ḍala. These charters record grants made in the Pennâtavâḍi, Gudrâvâra, and Pâgunavara vishayas;
which would point to vishaya being a subdivision of a dêśa or maṇḍala. And this is in accordance
with line 5 of the Kapâlêśwar grant of Mahâ-Bhavagupta (id. Vol. V. p. 55, where the correct reading
is vishayîya-Raṇḍâgrâmê), recording a gift of the village of Raṇḍâgrâma belonging to the Pôvâ
or Yôvâ vishaya in the Kôśala dêśa. On the other hand, in line 4 of the Têrdâḷ inscription of Śaka-

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 5, PLATE III B. 33
allotment of) Îśvaravâsaka, . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . purchased with the endowment¹ of
Maja and Śarabhaṅga and Amrarâta² of the royal household,³ and (also gives) twenty-five
dînâras.
(Line 7.)—From [the interest of the dînâras⁴] given by him,—with half, as long as
the moon and the sun (endure), let five Bhikshus be fed, and let a lamp burn in the jewel-
house,⁵ for the perfection of all the virtues of . . . . . . . . the familiar name of Dêvarâja,⁶
. . . . . . . of the Mahârâjâdhirâja, the glorious Chandragupta (II.); and with the other

Saṁvat 1046 or A.D. 1124-25 (id. Vol. XIV. p. 16), the terms dêśa and vishaya are both applied to
the division of India that is best known as Bharatakhaṇḍa or Bharatakshetra, and also to the Kûṇḍi
Three-thousand District in the Kanarese country; which would point to dêśa and vishaya being
synonymous.—Khaṇḍa occurs in another grant (unpublished) of Mahâ-Bhavagupta, recording a
gift of the village of Arkigrâma belonging to the Tulumba khaṇḍa in the Kôsala dêśa; which points
to khaṇḍa being a subdivision of a dêśa, and perhaps synonymous with vishaya.—Maṇḍala occurs
also in line 8 of the grant of Mahêndrapâla of Harsha-Saṁvat 155 or A.D. 761-62 (id. Vol. XV.
p. 112), recording the gift of a village belonging to the Vâlayikâ vishaya, which lay in the Śrâvasti
maṇḍala. And this, again, points to a maṇḍala being subdivided into vishayas.—As regards
râshṭra and vishaya, there were two classes of officials called Râshṭrapati and Vishayapati, lit.
‘lords’ or ‘chiefs’ of râshṭras and vishayas. And, on the one hand, such passages as those in line
8 f. of the Kaira grant of Vijayarâja of the year 394 (id. Vol. VII. p. 248), and in line 8 of the Kâvî
grant of Jayabhaṭa of the year 486 (id. Vol. V. p. 114), which mention first the Vishayapati, then
the Râshṭrapati, and then the Grâmamahattara or ‘village-headman,’ point, as indicated by Dr.
Bühler in editing the Kâvî grant, to the vishaya being a larger division than the râshṭra; as also
such expressions as “the cultivators, headed by the Râshṭrakûṭa (‘headman of the râshṭra’), dwelling
in the Pennâtavâḍi vishaya,” in line 39 f. of the grant of Amma II. of about Śaka-Saṁvat 867, referred
to above. But, on the other hand, exactly the opposite of this is indicated by such passages as those
in line 28 f. of the Sâmâṅgaḍ grant of Dantidurga of Śaka-Saṁvat 675 or A.D. 753-54 (id. Vol. XI.
p. 112), in line 35 f. of the Waṇî grant of Gôvinda III. of Śaka-Saṁvat 730 (id. Vol. XI. p. 159), and
in line 60 of the Kauṭhêm grant of Vikramâditya V. of Śaka-Saṁvat 930 (id. Vol. XVI. p. 24), in
which first the Râshṭrapati is mentioned, then the Vishayapati, and then the Grâmakûṭa or
‘village-headman.’ While finally, such expressions as “the Karmarâshṭra vishaya,” in line 12 of the
grant of the second year of Vishṇuvardhana II. (id. Vol. VII. p. 187), and “the Gôparâshṭra vishaya,”
in line 17 of the Nirpaṇ grant of Nâgavardhana (id. Vol. IX. p. 124), point to râshṭra and vishaya
being synonymous terms.—The subject requires further elucidation. And, as in the case of regal
and official titles, it is much better to use the original Saṁskṛit words, than to render them by such
terms as Zillâ, Tâlukâ, &c., which are of modern invention, and which cannot possibly be satisfactory
equivalents, even if they should happen to approach to the relative meanings.
¹ mûlya, lit. ‘an original sum,’ is equivalent to akshaya-nîvî, lit. ‘a capital sum that is not to be
wasted,’ which is of constant use in early inscriptions, and occurs for instance in No. 12, below, Plate
viB., line 26, and No. 62, Plate xxxviiiB., lines 3 and 8.
² Or Âmrarâta. ³ râjakula.
⁴ I supply these words, where the original has been effaced, on the analogy of line 3 f. of the
Sâñchi inscription of the year 131, No. 62 below, Plate xxxviiiB.
⁵ This is the literal meaning of ratna-griha. It seems to denote the Stûpa itself, as the abode of
the three ratnas or ‘jewels or precious things,’ viz. (1) Buddha; (2) Dharma, the Law or Truth;
and (3) Saṁgha, the community or congregation.
⁶ Prinsep translated this passage so as to make Dêvarâja another name of Chandragupta II.
This may be correct. But we have no other authority for giving him this second name. And the
lacunæ in the line render it impossible to say with any certainty whether it denotes him, or some
officer of his.—If the suggestion that I have made above (page 32, note 1) for filling up the
lacunæ, should be accepted, the translation would be—“for the perfection of all the virtues of him
who, having the familiar name of Dêvarâja, is a minister of the Mahârâjâdhirâja, the glorious
Chandragupta.”
F.

34 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
half, which is mine,¹ let the same number of five Bhikshus be fed, and (let) a lamp (burn)
in the jewel-house.
(L. 10.)—Whosoever shall interfere with this his arrangement,—he shall become
invested with (the guilt of) the slaughter of a cow or of a Brâhman,² and with (the guilt of)
the five sins that entail immediate retribution !³
(L. 11.)—The year 90 (and) 3; (the month) Bhâdrapada ; the day 4.
No. 6; PLATE IV A
UDAYAGIRI CAVE INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II.
THIS inscription appears to have been discovered by General Cunningham, and was first
brought to notice by him in 1880, in the Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. p. 51 f., where he
published his own version of the text, and a translation of it by Râjâ Siva Prasad, accom-
panied by a lithograph (id. Plate xix.).—This rendering of the inscription has remained the
standard version up to the present time, except that in 1882, in the Ind. Ant. Vol. XI.
p. 312, Dr. E. Hultzsch pointed out some errors in the last line as published.
The inscription is on the back wall, a little to the left as one enters, inside a cave at
**Udayagiri,**⁴ in Scindia's Dominions in Central India, which is known as the "Tawâ
Cave," from the resemblance of the large flat stone, on the top of the rock in which it is
excavated, to a gigantic tawâ, or 'griddle for baking cakes.
The writing, which covers a space of about 3' 7" by 1' 2", has suffered a good
deal from the peeling off of the surface of the rock on which it is engraved; but the general
purport of it remains complete, and nothing of a historical nature appears to have been
lost.—The size of the letters varies from ¾" to 1¼". The characters belong to the north-
ern class of alphabets, and are of radically the same type with those of the Allahâbâd pos-
thumous pillar inscription of Samudragupta, No. 1, p. 1 ff. above, Plate i. They include in
the numbering of the verses, forms of the numerical symbols for 1, 2, 3, 4, and 5.—The
language is Sanskrit; and, except for the opening word siddham, the inscription is
in verse throughout, and the verses are numbered.—In respect of orthography, the only
point that calls for notice is the use of the jihvâmûlîya and upadhmânîya in jñah-kaviḥ-
pâṭali, line 4.
The inscription refers itself to the time of the Early Gupta king Chandragupta
II., whose name is recorded in line 1. As no date is given, there might be some doubt as
to whether the Chandragupta mentioned here is the first or the second of the name. But
the standard of the characters, as compared with those of the Allahâbâd inscription,
which was engraved in the time of Chandragupta II.,—and the fact that the inscriptior
records that the Chandragupta mentioned in it came in person to Udayagiri, coupled with
the existence at Udayagiri of the inscription of the year 82, No. 3, p. 21 ff. above, which
¹ It is not quite apparent who is speaking here; but probably Âmrakârdava is intended.
² brahman; see Childers' Pâli Dictionary, s.v. brahmâ.
³ viz. matricide, parricide, killing an Arhat, shedding the blood of a Buddha, and causing
division among the priesthood (see Childers' Pâli Dictionary, s.v. pañchanantariyasammam and
abhithânam.)
⁴ See page 22 above, and note 1.

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS: No. 6, PLATE IV A. 35
is proved by its date to be one of Chandragupta II.,—shew that the king mentioned here
is Chandragupta II., not his grandfather, Chandragupta I. It is a Śaiva inscription;
and the object of it is to record the excavation of the cave as a temple of the god Śiva,
under the name of Śambhu, by the order of a certain Vîrasêna, otherwise called Śâba,¹
who was one of the ministers of Chandragupta II
TEXT.²
1 Siddham³ [||] Yad⁴=a[ṁ]tarjjyôtir-arkk-âbham=urvvyâm [— — ᴗ — ᴗ ᴗ —
— — — — ᴗ —]vyâpi Chandragupt-âkhyam=adbhutam [||] 1
2 Vikram-âvakraya-krîtâ dâsya-nyagbhûta-pârtthiv[â] [— — —]mâna-saṁraktâ
dharmma[— — ᴗ — ᴗ —] [||] 2
3 Tasya râjâdhirâj-arshêr-achinty-ô[— ᴗ —]rmmanaḥ anvaya-prâpta-sâchivyô
vyâ[prita-san]dh[i]-v[i]grahaḥ [||] 3
4 Kautsaś-Śâba iti khyâtô Vîrasênaḥ kul-âkhyayâ śabdârttha-nyâya-lôka-
jñaḥ-kaviḥ-Pâṭaliputrakaḥ [||] 4
5 Kritsna-prithvî-jay-artthêna râjñ=aiv=êha sah-âgataḥ bhaktyâ bhagavataś=
Śambhôr-gguhâm=êtâm=akârayat [||] 5
TRANSLATION.
Perfection has been attained! . . . . . . . . . . which shines⁵ like the sun,⁶ radiant
with internal light, . . . . . . . . upon the earth . . . . . . . ., pervades . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
(and) has the appellation of Chandragupta (II.), (and is) wonderful ;—
(Line 2.)—Bought by the purchase-money of [whose] prowess, [the earth], in which
(all other) princes are humiliated by the slavery (imposed on them by him), . . . . . . .
gratified by . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . religion.
(L. 3.)—He who holds the position, acquired by hereditary descent, of being a minister
of that same saintly sovereign,⁷ possessed of inconceivable . . . . . . . ., (and) [has been
appointed to] (the office of arranging) peace and war; (viz.)—
¹ See page 27 above, note 4, for some similar instances of second names.
² From the original stone.
³ In the original this word stands in the margin, opposite the commencement of line 3.
⁴ Metre, Ślôka (Anushṭubh) throughout.
⁵ From the use, in line 5, of the imperfect past tense akârayat, ‘he caused to be made,’—and
from the natural length of time required for the completion of the cave, before the inscription could
be engraved inside it,—a considerable time must have elapsed between the visit of the king and his
minister, and the engraving of the inscription. But there seems no special reason for supposing that
the work was not all finished during the lives of Chandragupta II. and Vîrasêna. Accordingly, in
translating, I have given a present sense to the contents of lines 1 to 4.
⁶ There seems to be intended a play on the words ‘sun’ and ‘moon,’ the latter of which
(chandra) forms part of the king’s name.
⁷ Râjâdhirâja; lit. ‘supreme king of Râjas or kings.’—This was, in earlier times, one of the
technical titles of paramount sovereignty. In its Pâli or Prâkṛit form of Râjadhiraja, it occurs as
the representative of the Greek basileus basileon, sometimes by itself, e.g. on some of the coins of
Maues (Gardner and Poole’s Catalogue of the Coins of the Greek and Scythic Kings of India in the
British Museum, p. 68 ff., Nos. 4, 5, 9, 11, and 17); and sometimes in conjunction with Maharaja
(Mahârâja), e.g. on some of the coins of Azes (id. p. 85 ff., Nos. 138, 140, and 157). And another
almost identical title, viz. Râjâtirâja, lit. ‘superior king of Râjas or kings,’ occurs in the same
F 2,

36 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
(L. 4.)—He who, belonging to the Kautsa (gōtra) is well-known under the name of
Śâba, (but is called) Vîrasêna by (his) family-appellation;—who knows the meanings
of words, and logic, and (the ways of) mankind;—who is a poet;—and who belongs to
(the city of) Pâtaliputra,—
(L. 5.)—He came here, accompanied by the king in person, who was seeking to con-
quer the whole world; and, through devotion towards the divine (god) Śambhu, he caused
this cave to be made.

No. 7; PLATE IV B.

GADHWA STONE INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II.

THE YEAR 88.

THIS inscription, and the following two inscriptions of Kumâragupta, Nos. 8 and 9, are
on a stone that was discovered in 1871-72 by Râjâ Siva Prasad, and were first brought to
notice by General Cunningham in his Archæological Reports.
**Gaḍhwâ,**¹ which means literally 'a fort,' is the name of several villages in the Arail
and Bârâ Parganâs in the Karchhanâ Tahsîl or Sub-Division of the Allahâbâd District in
the North-West Provinces. The particular Gaḍhwâ, where these inscriptions were found,
is in the Bârâ² Parganâ, eight miles to the west by south from Bârâ, and one and a half miles
south of the village of Bhaṭgaḍh.³ It is entered in the map simply as a "Fort."⁴ The
stone containing the inscriptions was found built into the wall of one of the rooms of a
modern dwelling-house inside the enclosure of the fort; and is a rectangular sandstone
fragment, measuring about 9½″ broad by 4″ thick and 2′ 6½″ high. It is now in the Imperial
Museum at Calcutta.
The stone is inscribed on three faces,—on the front, as it stands in the Museum, and
on the two sides. It is entire towards the bottom; but the top of it, containing two or
three lines of writing, has been broken away and lost. In addition to this, the sides now con-
tain only about half of each line of the inscriptions engraved on them; and this, with the
unfinished roughness of the present back of the stone, shews that about half of it has been
pared away, in adapting it to some other purpose than that for which it was originally
intended.

sense of paramount sovereignty, but coupled also with Mahârâja; e.g. in the Mathurâ inscription of
Huvishka of the year 47 (Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. III. p. 33, No. 12, and Plate xiv.), and in the
Mathurâ inscription of Vâsudêva of the year 87 (id. p. 35, No. 18, and Plate xv.). But, by the Early
Gupta period, these two titles appear to have been permanently supplanted, for technical purposes,
by the fuller form of Mahârâjâdhirâja (see page 10 above, note 3). The form Râjâtirâja cannot
be traced at all. And Râjâdhirâja occurs only in metrical passages, where it was inconvenient or
impossible to introduce the prefix mahâ; thus, in addition to the present passage, in line 6 of the
Mandasôr inscription of Yasôdharman and Vishṇuvardhana, No. 35 below; in line 62 of the Alînâ
grant of Śîlâditya VII., No. 39 below; and, in the derivative râjâdhirâjya, in line 24 of the Junâgaḍh
rock inscription of Skandagupta, No. 14 below, in line 2 of which we also have, again for metrical
reasons, another variety of the title, viz. Râjarâjâdhirâja.
¹ The 'Garhwa' and 'Gurhwa' of maps, &c.
² The 'Barah' of maps.
³ The 'Badgarh, Bhatgarh, and Budgudh' of maps, &c.
⁴ Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 88. Lat. 25° 13′ N.; Long. 81° 38′ E.

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. Plate iv
Vol. III.
A.—Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Chandragupta II.
(Scale .14)
Text of Inscription A (Udayagiri Cave Inscription of the year 82):
[Line 1] सिद्धम् [॥] यस्यान्वग्-ज्योतिर्-अर्क-द्युति-धुरम् असकृत्-साधन-व्यग्र-कीर्त्तिर्
[Line 2] व्विश्वं व्यापि ज्वलन्त्या द्युति-समुदय-लब्धावकाश-प्रदीप्तं [।]
[Line 3] स श्री-चन्द्रगुप्त-प्रथितावदात-कीर्त्तिर्-ज्जयत्य्-अद्भुत-कर्म-कारी [॥]
[Line 4] सोढव्या यस्य नासीन्-नृप-वर-तरणोर्भूरि-सत्वावमर्द्दे
[Line 5] गुप्तेन प्राग्-उदञ्चो जयति परिभवात्-सर्व्व-राज्ञाम्-अजेयः [॥]

B.—Gadhwa Inscription of Chandragupta II. The Year 88.
[Line 1] ..... [प्र]तिष्ठापितस्य .....
[Line 2] ..... [परमभागवत-महाराजाधिराज-श्री-चन्द्रगुप्तस्य]
[Line 3] ..... [प्रवृद्धमान-विजय-राज्य-संवत्सरे] .....
[Line 4] ..... [अष्टा]शीत्युत्तरे ८० ८ .....
[Line 5] ..... [सदा]सत्रे .....
[Line 6] ..... [ब्राह्मणानां भोज]नाय .....
[Line 7] ..... दीनारा .....
[Line 8] ..... [दत्ता] .....

C.—Gadhwa Inscription of Kumaragupta.
[Line 1] [सिद्धम् ॥ कुमारगुप्तस्य] .....
[Line 2] ..... [परमभागवत-महाराजाधिराज-श्री-] .....
[Line 3] ..... कुमारगुप्तस्य प्रवर्द्धमान-[विजय-राज्य-] .....
[Line 4] ..... सत्रे ब्राह्मणानां .....
[Line 5] ..... भोजनाय .....
[Line 6] ..... दीनाराः .....

D.—Gadhwa Inscription of Kumaragupta. The Year 98.
[Line 1] [सिद्धम् ॥ संवत्सरे ९० ८] .....
[Line 2] ..... परमभागवत-महाराजाधिराज-श्री-कुमारगुप्तस्य .....
[Line 3] ..... [सदा]-सत्रे ब्राह्मण-भोजनाय .....
[Line 4] ..... दीनारा द्वादश १२ .....
[Line 5] ..... अक्षयनिवि-प्रदत्ता .....
[Line 6] ..... यः कश्चिद्-व्यतिक्रमं कुर्य्यात्-स पञ्चभिर्-महापातकैः .....