१८५७ का स्वातन्त्र्य समर (वीर विनायक दामोदर सावरकर - अंग्रेजों द्वारा छपने से पूर्व प्रतिबन्धित महाग्रन्थ)

THE CONFLAGRATION
in a narrower sense, a restoration to him of his ancient
throne, still in a wider and truer sense, it was no restora-
tion at all. For, the Mogul dynasty of old was not chosen
by the people of the land. It was thrust upon India by
sheer force, dignified by the name of conquest, and upheld
by a powerful pack of alien adventurers and native self-
seekers. It was not this throne that was restored to
Bahadur Shah today. No, that would have been impossi-
ble ; for, such thrones are conquered and not received.
That would have been suicidal ; for, then, it would have
been in vain that the blood of hundreds of Hindu martyrs
had been shed in the three or four centuries preceding.
Ever since the rising power of Islam left its native wilds
of Arabisthan and went conquering East and West, ir-
resistible and unchallenged, country after country and
people after people had been made to prostrate in sub-
mission to Islam. But the unopposed wave was opposed,
for the first time in the land of Bharat, with such strenu-
ous, uncompromising, and undaunted tenacity as could be
found only very rarely in other histories. For more than
five centuries the struggle continued ; for more than five
centuries the Hindu civilisation had been fighting a
defensive war against the foreign encroachment on its
birth-rights. From the death of Prithvi Raj right up to
the death of Aurangzeb, the war was without a truce.
And in the midst of this gory struggle of countless years,
a Hindu power arose in the western mountains of Bharat
Varsha which was destined to fulfil the mission of the
innumerable dead, who fell fighting in protecting the
honour of the race. From out of Poona, a Hindu prince
Bhausahib—advanced with a mighty host, captured the
throne of Delhi, and vindicated the honour of the Hindu
civilisation : the conqueror was conquered and India was
again free, the blot of slavery and defeat being wiped off.
Hindus again were masters of the land of the Hindus.
So, in the truer sense, we said that the raising of Bahadur
Shah to the throne of India was no restoration at all. But
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THE FIGHT IN DELHI
rather it was the declaration that the longstanding war
between the Hindu and the Mahomedan had ended, that
tyranny had ceased, and that the people of the soil were
once more free to choose their own monarch. For, Baha-
dur Shah was raised by the free voice of the people, both
Hindus and Mahomedans, civil and military, to be their
Emperor and the head of the War of Independence.
Therefore, on the 11th of May, this old venerable Bahadur
Shah was not the old Mogul succeeding to the throne of
Akbar or Aurangzeb—for that throne had already been
smashed to pieces by the hammer of the Mahrattas—but
he was freely chosen monarch of a people battling for
freedom against a foreign intruder. Let, then, Hindus
and Mahomedans send forth their hearty, conscientious,
and most loyal homage to this elected or freely accepted
Emperor of their native soil on the 11th of May, 1857 !
And from far and near, the loyal homage did come to the
Delhi monarch, from many Rajas, many regiments, and
many of the chief cities of Hindusthan. The different
regiments that had risen at different places in the Panjab,
Ayodhya, Neemuch, Rohilkhand, and many other places,
marched on to Delhi with their flags and banners, and
tendered their services to the venerable Bahadur Shah
as the accepted head of the Revolution. Many regiments
again brought whatever treasuries they had looted from
the possession of the English Government on their way
to Delhi and faithfully handed them over to the treasury
of the Emperor. A proclamation was at once issued, ad-
dressed to the whole of Hindusthan, declaring that the
foreign domination and the rule of the Feringhis had come
to an end and that the whole nation was free and liberated.
It exhorted the people to rise to a man to complete this
Revolution so promising in its beginning, and warned them
that the sole motive that should dominate them in this
fight should be a self-denying, spiritual fervour and a cons-
ciousness of a divine duty. “Let it be known that the
only inducement we can hold forth is that of Dharma
285

THE CONFLAGRATION
alone. Let all those to whom God has granted determina-
tion and will, renounce the hope of property and of life
and join us in this cause of our ancient faith. If the
people sacrifice their private interest for the public good,
the Englishmen will be exterminated from our land. It
should be known that no one dies before his time and, when
his time comes, nothing can save him. Thousands of men
are carried off by cholera and other diseases ; while, to be
killed in a war of Dharma is martyrdom. And it is the
duty of every man and woman to kill or expel every
Feringhi from the land of Hindusthan. Let zeal for reli-
gious duty alone be the motive of those who join me, and
not any worldly aspiration, though they who rise for the
faith get happiness in this world too ! ”
These extracts are from the different, and sometimes simi-
lar, Proclamations published in Oudh and Delhi. Another
Proclamation was issued from the throne itself and was
most widely published all over India. Even in the farthest
south were found copies passing from hand to hand, in
the bazaars and in the army. It insisted : “ To all Hindus
and Mahomedans ! We, solely on account of religious
duty, have joined with the people. Whoever shall, in these
times, exhibit cowardice or credulously believe the pro-
mises of the English impostors, will be very shortly put
to shame and receive the reward for their fidelity to Eng-
land which the rulers of Lucknow got. It is further neces-
sary that all, Hindus and Mahomedans, unite in this
struggle and, following the instructions of some respectable
leaders, conduct themselves in such a way that good order
may be maintained, the poorer classes kept contented, and
they themselves be exalted to rank and dignity. Let all,
as far as it is possible, copy this Proclamation and fix it
in some prominent place, escaping detection if prudence
requires it, and strike a blow with the sword before giving
circulation to it ! ”
Soon after the general declaration of war against the
286

THE FIGHT IN DELHI
English power, the Revolutionaries at Delhi began to
manufacture the arms and ammunition necessary for its
continuation. A big factory of cannon, guns, and small
arms was started, and some Frenchmen were employed to
supervise the manufacture. Two or three big ammunition
depôts were also opened and many maunds of gun-powder
began to be prepared by people working day and night.
A general order was issued prohibiting the slaughter of
kine throughout the country and, when once some fanatic
Mahomedans wanted to insult the Hindus by declaring
Jehad against them, the old Emperor, seated on an ele-
phant and with all his Imperial officers, went in a proces-
sion through all the city declaring that the Jehad was
against the Feringhis alone ! Anyone found killing a cow
was to be blown up or his hand cut off. Different regi-
ments were named after the different princes of the palace.
Some Europeans, too, were to be seen fighting on the side
of the Revolutionaries against the English power.
The position which the English had occupied after the
battle of Bundel-ki-Serai was very nicely suited to their
military operations. The long range of hills, styled by
the English as the Ridge, which almost touched the forti-
fications of Delhi at one of its extremities and extended
to the river Jumna four miles ahead, had, owing to its
height, a special advantage from the military point of
view. For the Ridge, being higher than the surrounding
level by fifty or sixty feet, offered a fine position for the
guns so as to keep up a continuous and effective can-
nonade. Again, this Ridge had at its back the wide canal
of the Jumna which, owing to the heavy rains of the year,
was copiously supplied with water even in this month of
June. Being at their back, this canal was free from at-
tacks of the enemies of the English power, and now
especially so ; for, the Panjab, which would have been the
greatest terror to the English had it attacked them from
their rear as Delhi had been doing from their front, had
now declared in favour of the British. The Rajas of
287

THE CONFLAGRATION
Nabha, Jhind, and Patiala rendered an immense service
to the English people by guarding all the highways to the
Panjab and, thus, facilitating the transport of corn, men,
and ammunition from the Panjab into the English camp.
This combination of circumstances, unfortunate for India,
rendered the situation extremely favourable to the English.
High and lowering hills, behind them a plain for the whole
army to encamp beyond the range of the enemy's fire and,
at the same time, escape the detection of the enemy's
scouts, water living and inexhaustible so closely running,
the great highways to the Panjab all open, at hand, and
protected, and the back guarded by the constant watch of
the loyal Panjab states at their own cost—all these cir-
cumstances heightened the confidence of the British com-
mander, Barnard, who along with his officers was of the
opinion "Now, to take Delhi is not the work of even
a day!"
And if it is not even one day's work to take Delhi,
then, why spend two for it? Why should we not reduce
this sinful, treason-loving city to dust by ordering these
English soldiers to pounce upon it just this very minute?
The Panjab is the backbone of our army and when that
is so strong in loyalty, why should we try to take Delhi
by these weak tactics of prolonged siege? Would it not
be better and nobler to rush straightway against that
wretched city and crush it at the very first onslaught?
Let our army be divided; let one of these divisions blow
up this Lahore gate, let another pull down that Kabul
gate, let many others rush simultaneously into the streets
of the city with a torrent-like rush and, taking post by
post, let us all march on straight against the palace with-
out the loss of a moment! Wilberforce Greathed and
Hodson—warriors like these are longing for this bold and
straight onrush, and have taken upon themselves even the
entire responsibility of carrying it out to a successful ter-
mination. Then, there need be no hesitation at all. So,
on the 12th of June, General Barnard issued secret orders
288

THE READING OF EMPEROR BAHADUR SHAH'S PROCLAMATION
OF 1857, AT HIS DARBAR IN THE DIWAN-I-AAM, DELHI
As soon as Bahadur Shah II was proclaimed the sovereign of India
he held a Darbar at Delhi and issued a proclamation calling upon
all, high and low, Hindus and Muslims, to gather together under
the flag of Revolution. Says the Proclamation—
“To all Hindus
and Mahomedans! We, solely on account of religious duty, have
joined with the people. Whoever shall, in these times, exhibit
cowardice or credulously believe the promises of the English impos-
tors, will be very shortly put in shame and receive the reward
for their fidelity to England which the rulers of Lucknow got.
It is further necessary that all, Hindus and Mahomedans, unite in
this struggle and following the instructions of some respectable
leaders, conduct themselves in such a way that good rule may be
maintained, the poorer classes kept contented, and they themselves
be exalted to rank and dignity. Let all, as far as it is possible,
copy this proclamation and fix it in some prominent place escaping
detection if prudence requires it, and strike a blow with the sword
before giving circulation to it!”

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THE FIGHT IN DELHI
for the assault. It was all settled who should gather,
where the gathering should take place, and when and how
the different divisions should start under the cover of night,
who should command the right and who the left. All
these and many other details of the attack were settled
and fixed and, now at two o'clock in the morning, the
English army began to debouch itself on the parade
ground which was fixed as the secret rendezvous. When
it is certain that to-morrow's night will give us the chance
of sleeping in the royal palace itself, who is so foolish
as to grudge, to-night, a few hours' loss of sleep? Un-
likely, indeed, but unfortunately true ! For it happened
that, at the proper hour, some parts of the army were
found missing. Brigadier Graves thinks it rashness to
begin the assault on Delhi in this fashion and it is even
suggested by many others that such a scheme would be
fatal to the British power itself all over India. Therefore,
the dreams of the quick success and straight attacks,
indulged in by the British army, had to be realised that
night not in the palace of Delhi but on the camp-
beds alone.
The next morning, Wilberforce Greathead again drew up
a scheme for the future attack and sent it to the com-
mander, Barnard, for reconsideration of the same. Gene-
ral Barnard, though a famous warrior known much in the
Crimean campaigns, yet had been suspected of a very
halting and hesitating mind. He called a council of war,
on the 14th of June, to consult his chief officers on the
subject of the assault. Even after the bold and eloquent
advocacy by Greathead of a straight assault, the other
officers could not feel confident of its success, and they
urged further that even assuming that the assault would
result in success, still, it would be as much waste of energy
and prestige as an actual defeat. The straight assault
might carry Delhi—yet, how to hold it? How many
English soldiers were likely to survive the constant can-
nonade of the Revolutionaries from street to street and
289
19

THE CONFLAGRATION
from house to house? Barnard himself was most diffi-
dent of the issues. After all this discussion, the war
council agreed—simply to disagree ! And thus, even like
the night-dream of the 12th of June, passed away this
day-dream of the 15th of June, leaving “the straight
assault” and “the bold rush” still in their theoretical
existence and excellence. This council of war again sat,
on the 16th of June ; but that ended in a worse division of
opinion and diffidence of mind. For, as the English com-
mander was planning the bold and straight assault on the
city of Delhi, there, on the other side, into the city of Delhi
were pouring fast new hearts, new treasuries, and new
energy. And the Revolutionaries, leaving the defensive
policy which they had up to this time observed, began to
assume the offensive as well, made frequent sorties, and
attacked the British army from different sides and with
varying success.
The regiments that had risen all over India had been, all
the while, pouring into Delhi with their treasuries, arms,
and ammunition and left no anxiety in the Revolutionary
camp as to the provisions of war or to the number of
Sepoys. And so, it was quite natural that the Revolution-
ary army should assume the aggressive and pin the Eng-
lish army to its place by not allowing it to move onwards
even by a single step. After making a bold attack, after a
slight or even a bloody skirmish or encounter, without them-
selves suffering any heavy losses, the Indian army would
retire into the city. By this harassing policy, the Revolu-
tionary army kept the English in constant check and pre-
vented them from assuming the offensive. On the 12th
of June, they issued out of the city and, concealing them-
selves in trees and low grounds, advanced as far as within
fifty yards of the English front and attacked them before
they were aware of their presence. The English lost many
artillerymen and Knox himself was killed by a Sepoy who
deliberately aimed at and shot him. Simultaneously with
this, another division of the Sepoys attacked the English
290

THE FIGHT IN DELHI
rear, and there a hot encounter took place. Even on the
right of the English army, the post called " Hindu Rao’s
house " was most vigorously attacked by the Sepoys. " A
detachment of native irregular cavalry, on whose loyalty
the English had relied, went over to the enemy. And so
sudden was the retrograde movement that the greater
number of them escaped from the fire of our guns which
were turned upon them as soon as their treachery was
disclosed."¹ Major Reid who was in charge of this place
says : " They went to the front just as if they were going
to charge ; but no sooner had they closed than, to my
horror, I saw them mix up with the enemy and walk off
with them. Immediately I saw this, I ordered the guns
to open upon them but the wretches were too far off and I
don’t think that more than half-a-dozen were killed."
After this assault, every day saw the Revolutionaries
issuing from out the city and every evening saw them
retiring back into the city. Any regiment that newly came
into the city had to go out and attack the enemy the very
next day. On the 13th of June, Hindu Rao’s house was
again attacked ; the 60th regiment (the same that joined
the Revolutionaries on the 12th) was conspicuous in the
day’s action. Major Reid writes that they " marched up
the Grand Trunk Road in columns of sections right in
front and led the attack headed by the Sirdar Bahadur of
the regiment, who made himself very conspicuous, calling
out to the men to keep their distance as he intended to
wheel to his left. They fought most desperately. The
Sirdar Bahadur was killed by his orderly, Lall Singh. I
took the riband of India from his breast and sent it to
my wife." On the 17th of June, the Indian army tried to
erect a battery on the Idga building, which would have
completely enfiladed the Ridge. Seeing this, Major Reid
and Henry Tombs attacked the Revolutionaries from both
sides and pressed upon them with irresistible force. But

1. Kaye’s Indian Mutiny, Vol. II, page 411.
   291

THE CONFLAGRATION
the handful of brave Revolutionaries who had been en-
trapped in this building did not surrender at all. When
they could no longer discharge volleys of shots, they threw
away their guns, drew out their swords, and fell fiercely
on the British foe. They did not allow the enemy to
occupy the Idga building, until every one of them was
killed and fell fighting at his post !
On the 18th of June, the Sepoys who had rebelled at
Nasirabad came to Delhi, and delivered over the treasure
that they had brought with them to the royal authorities ;
and their representatives were received by the Emperor
himself in the palace; and they were treated with due ho-
nour and respect. At the Durbar, the representatives of the
Sepoys of this regiment took oath to attack the English
army on the 20th of June. Accordingly, the morning of the
20th of June saw the hosts of Revolutionaries leaving the
gates of the city and marching towards the foreign foe.
In order to attack the English forces on their rear, the
Sepoys stole forth through Sabzi Mundi and, taking the
English by surprise, they opened fire with terrible effect
and advanced against the English. Scott, Money, Tombs,
and other English officers tried their utmost by heavy
cannonading to stop the onslaught, but the tenacity with
which the Indian army pushed on was irresistible. The
brigade from Nasirabad pushed on with such destructive
force that the brave Tombs cried out, through supreme
despondency, “ Run on, Daly, run on ! or my cannon are
lost to the enemies ! ” Daly did come on with the Indians
of the Panjab but, in a short time, was sent back by the
Revolutionaries with a bullet lodged in his shoulder. As
the evening approached, the Revolutionaries decidedly got
the upper hand. Again, they pressed on, nay, almost
captured the British guns. The 9th lancers and the loyal
Panjabees, though they more than once came rushing
against them, had to retire precipitately. The night set
in, but the field was still hotly contested. The English
did their best but could do nothing further than to save
292

THE FIGHT IN DELHI
their cannon. Lord Roberts writes : “ The mutineers
routed us.” Hope Grant had a horse killed under him,
himself was terribly wounded, and, but for the loyalty
of a Mahomedan horseman standing near by, would have
been killed in a minute. Such fighting continued till the
middle of the night, but still the advance of the Sepoys
could not be checked, and so, at last, the English retired
from the battlefield and left the Revolutionaries in com-
plete and victorious possession of an important position
at the rear of the British camp !
That night the British commander could not sleep for
anxiety. For, had the Revolutionaries retained the posses-
sion they had so bravely won, they would have completely
cut off the British communications with the Panjab. To
avoid this evil, the British, early in the morning, were
preparing to offer a further resistance to the victorious
Swadeshi army. But owing to the want of ammunition
and further additions to their numbers, the Sepoys retired
into the city, leaving the English to take possession of the
ground they had vacated. The news of this battle and
the dogged march of the Sepoys had encouraged the Delhi
people and, the cannon on the wall being of long range,
they kept up a constant and unceasing fire on the British
army. These onslaughts of the Delhi army effectively
prevented the British army from assuming the offensive,
by constantly compelling them to be themselves on the
defensive. And the difficulty which the English found
even in maintaining the ground they had occupied made
it impossible for them to advance even a step further
without receiving new succour from the Panjab. And,
to add to all these difficulties rose to-day—the 23rd of
June, 1857 !
This 23rd of June of 1857 is the centenary of the battle
of Plassey ! It was on this day that, a hundred years
ago, in the gamble for empires, the Indian dice proved
unlucky on the battlefield of Plassey. One hundred years
293

THE CONFLAGRATION
have passed, each adding new insults and new shame to
those previously inflicted ! To settle this standing account
of a century of degradation, to wash off these national
insults and this national shame by torrents of blood--
this is the fierce desire that gleams in the eyes of all the
Sepoys in the city of Delhi. Through every breeze of
the wind and through every ray of the sun, through every
thundering roar of the cannon and through every clashing
of the sword, comes forth a deep rumbling voice, " Plassey!
The Vengeance of Plassey !" As soon as the dawn an-
nounced the hundredth anniversary of the woeful field of
Plassey, the Revolutionary forces began to pour out of
the Lahore gates of the city. The English people, too
well aware of the fact that this day would tax their
energies to the utmost, were quite prepared and had al-
ready drawn up their soldiers in battle-array even before
the day rose. Nay, through this very anxiety, they re-
quested the Government of the Panjab to send them help,
which, fortunately for them, did arrive on the eve of this
day. This news of the arrival of fresh troops from the
Panjab infused the English with great confidence. But,
neither this news of the reinforcements which the English
received nor the discovery of the fact that the British had
already destroyed the bridges leading to their rear would
stop the enthusiasm of the Revolutionaries. They rushed
on through the Sabzi Mundi and began to open fire on
the British. The British infantry led charge after charge,
but the Revolutionists repulsed them as often as they
sallied forth. The artillery from the walls of the city was
doing its work with equal vigour. Hindu Rao's house,
too, was receiving its share of attention from the Revolu-
tionaries. At twelve in the noon, the battle was raging
hottest. The Revolutionaries led attacks after attacks on
the Panjabee division, the Gurkha battalion, and the white
troops of the British. Major Reid says : " The mutineers,
about twelve o'clock, made a most desperate attack on
the whole of my position. No man could have fought
better. They charged the rifles, the guides, and my own
294

THE FIGHT IN DELHI
men again and again and, at one time, I thought I must
have lost the day."²
That one of the bravest English officers, fighting on the
very spot, should write these words testifies to the fierce-
ness and strength of the attacks of the Revolutionaries.
Yet, they had no capable leader who would bring into a
focus these scattered elements of fire and energy. The
ardent desire to win back the liberty of the land and the
remembrance of the national insult of Plassey were the
only ties that could keep them coherent. Even the Eng-
lish artillery was in a great danger of being captured by
the Indian army and, at last, the chief officer, Colonel
Welshman, himself was shot dead while goading on his
men ! The whole day, every man in the English camp
was fighting hard and now it seemed that they could no
longer hold on. But still the British commander need not
lose hope ! For the fresh troops of the loyal Panjabees
that had come this very morning are eager to try their
chance ! They were ordered to march on and, against this
fresh attack of fresh soldiers, the Revolutionaries, who
had unceasingly been fighting the whole day, had to enter
into an unequal contest. However, till the night set in,
the Revolutionaries fought on, greatly handicapped as they
were. And then, the armies retired from the field, each
party claiming the honour of a victory ! So ended the
centenary of Plassey in the defeat of neither, and both
the armies entered their respective camps, filled with res-
pect for each other's courage and bravery.
Day after day, new troops were coming in on both sides.
The English forces, after frequent reinforcements from the
Panjab, had, by this time, risen to the number of seven
thousand. On the other side, the regiments of Rohilkhand
who had risen in revolt had reached Delhi, with Bakht
Khan at their head. Lord Robert says : " The Rohil-
2. Major Reid's Siege of Delhi.
295

THE CONFLAGRATION
khand army, having crossed the bridge of boats, began to
enter the city through the Calcutta gate. We could clearly
see these thousands of Sepoys from the Ridge, entering
the city with perfect discipline and drill, playing martial
tunes, and waving variegated flags and banners." The
only force that was able to unite to some extent these
different regiments in Delhi was that of love of the princi-
ple alone. For, there could grow no organised and com-
pact army from amongst these thousands of Sepoys of
different castes and creeds who had never seen the faces
of each other in their whole life and had been drifted
together by a chance storm. In spite of the utmost efforts
of the Emperor and his councillors to stop looting and
anarchy in the city, no day would pass without some
complaint or other of Sepoy lawlessness, or of looting, or
of blackmail. In this state, the supreme need of the hour
was a leader who could unite these innumerable and
divergent forces into a unifying focus. The city of Delhi,
in spite of the growth of the evil tendencies and vicious
propensities in the men, so natural in an agitated time
as this, had led attack after attack on the English army
and had, at least, held them in fear and check. It was
the ardent desire amongst the soldiery and the citizens to
drive away the foreign foe, that enabled them to do this.
But to ensure ultimate success, it was imperatively neces-
sary that this love of the abstract principle must be united
with, and concentrated in, the ability of a great personality.
It was, therefore, thought to be a Godsend when the brave
Bakht Khan of Rohilkhand entered Delhi with his troops
and treasury. The state of the public mind at Delhi, at
the time of the arrival of Bakht Khan, is well described
in the diary of one who was then living in Delhi. This
extract, though meagre and casual, is taken here not only
to give some account of this particular day but to give
a general idea of the state of Delhi and the course which
events were taking. "The bridge of the Jumna is repair-
ed; for, the arrival of the Rohilkhand troops is expected.
The Emperor with a telescope viewed the approaching
296

THE FIGHT IN DELHI

army of Rohilkhand while it was still far away. On the
morning of the 2nd of July, Nabob Ahmad Kuli Khan,
with all other nobles and citizens, went forth to receive
the army of Rohilkhand. Hakeem Ahsanullah Khan,
General Sanad Khan, Ibrahim Ali Khan, Gulam Kuli
Khan, and other leaders, too, were present. Mahomed
Bakht Khan, the commander of the forces of Rohilkhand,
requested the Emperor to accept his services. When
Bakht Khan pressed his request to know the desire of the
Emperor, the Emperor said : ‘It is my ardent desire to
see that the people are completely protected, that the
security of life and property is maintained, and that the
extermination of the British foe is triumphantly carried
out.’ The general then said that, if the Emperor wished,
he was ready to act as the commander-in-chief of the Re-
volutionary forces. At this, the Emperor pressed the hand
of the general with affection. Then, the different heads
of the different regiments were called together and they
were asked whether they would elect Bakht Khan as com-
mander-in-chief. All of them voted ‘aye’ and took mili-
tary oaths of obeying the general as their commander-in-
chief. After the levee was over, the Emperor again
granted a private interview to the general. All over the
city, the order went forth that Bakht Khan would act as
the commander-in-chief. He was presented with a shield,
a sword, and the title of General. The Prince Mirza
Mogul was appointed adjutant-general. Bakht Khan in-
formed the Emperor that, even if any of the princes of
royal blood would continue looting in the city, he would
not hesitate to cut off his ear and nose at once. The
Emperor replied, ‘You are invested with supreme authori-
ty. Do whatever you think best, without the least hesita-
tion.’ The Kotwal of the city was ordered that if there
was any row or looting through his negligence in the city
he would be hanged. Bakht Khan reported that he had
brought with him four infantry regiments, seven hundred
cavalry, six horse guns, three field-pieces, etc., etc. As
this part of the army had been given its pay for six months

297

THE CONFLAGRATION
in advance and as the general had with him four lakhs
of Rupees in cash, the Emperor was assured that he need
have no anxiety about money or pay. Not only this, the
Emperor was informed that further captures of money
would at once be sent to the Royal Treasury. The Em-
peror distributed sweet-meat worth four thousand Rupees
amongst the Sepoys. The Sepoys of Agra, the regiments
of Nasirabad, of Jallundhar, all are under the command
of Bakht Khan. The general ordered that every citizen
in the city should be armed. All householders and shop-
keepers should keep arms. And those who had none
should, at once, ask for them at the Supreme Thana and
they would be given them free. But none should be found
without arms. Any Sepoy who would be found looting
would be deprived of his hand. Bakht Khan went to the
armoury and, after examining it, got the arms and
powder-magazines properly arranged. At eight in the
night, the general went to the palace. The Emperor, with
Begum Zinat Mahal, Hakeem Ahsanullah Khan, and
Ahmad Kuli Khan, discussed the state affairs. In the
general parade on the 3rd of July, nearly twenty thousand
Sepoys were present."³
While the arrival of Bakht Khan was giving the Revolu-
tion in Delhi some sort of organisation, in the English
camp too, men of energy and initiative were arriving from
the Panjab and other places. The English government
had very few men with them who could surpass, in energy
or ability, the brave Brigadier-General Chamberlain who
had just arrived from the Panjab. The famous military
engineer, Baird-Smith, too, came there. All the men who
distinguished themselves in the Sikh War were sent from
the Panjab by John Lawrence to help the English army
at Delhi. Then, General Barnard decided to try once more
the " straight and bold " assault on Delhi which had been
so many times thought of and given up in the past. Even
3. Native Narratives by Metcalfe, page 60.
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THE FIGHT IN DELHI
as in the past, this assault too was perfectly planned.
And on the 3rd of July, the English army, all the while
standing ready to march, did begin to move—but, lo !
someone has just brought the news that General Bakht
Khan has spared them all the trouble of marching on
Delhi ; for he himself has marched upon them ! On the
4th of July, Bakht Khan again came forth and pressed on
the English rear as far as Alipur itself !
That the city of Delhi, about which the English had been
openly boasting before the siege began that to see it was
to conquer it, should not allow him even to take one step
further on in spite of new forces pouring from the Panjab
to his help, even after the constant struggle of a complete
month, was too much of an anxiety and shame to the
sensitive nature of Barnard. The English were so eager
to take Delhi and so confident of their ability to do so
that, long before June had ended, the news of the fall of
Delhi would reach Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras ! And,
no sooner did this usual news prove as usually groundless
than the English people all over India would begin to
ask each other, “ What are the English forces doing at
Delhi, at all ?” This anxiety and shame were working
on the mind of Barnard. And to this gloomy view of
the past there could be seen nothing in the future but a
still darker sequel ! He was not allowed even a moment’s
rest by the constant attacks of the Sepoys ; nor could he
fail to see that every day that rose was lessening the hope
of carrying any bold or straight assault on the city of the
Revolutionaries. At last, Barnard, the commander of the
British forces, emaciated in body and eaten up in mind
by this hopelessness and dark despair, fell an easy victim
to cholera, on the 5th of July. This came up like a shock
over the English forces in the camp. This was the second
commander of the English forces who tried to enter the
city of Delhi but succeeded only in entering the grave,
instead ! General Reed, now, took up the charge and
became the third commander of the English forces !
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THE CONFLAGRATION
While the British camp was busy in planning assaults, the
people of Delhi were busy in actually carrying them out.
All of them cannot be described here for want of space.
Yet, the sortie of the 9th of July and again that of the
14th of July, and the doggedness with which the Revolu-
tionaries fought, and the bravery with which the English
and the revolutionaries fought are too important and
inspiring to be omitted without any remark. On the first
day, the English cavalry was actually routed and driven
back. The English artillery was silenced. A brave Sepoy
threw Hill and his horse down on the ground. Hill, re-
covering himself, drew his sword, while three Sepoys
jumped upon him. Hill tried to shoot twice and twice
he missed, while one of the Sepoys succeeded in snatching
away his sword. They closed in hand-to-hand fight ; they
struggled ; down they came. Hill was lying on the ground
and the Sepoy was standing with one foot planted on
Hill's breast and with sword drawn in his hand. Major
Tombs saw this from a distance of nearly thirty feet ; he
aimed and shot at the Sepoy and killed him. Major
Tombs raised Hill from the ground and began to move
him off, but saw, to his utter dismay, that yet another
Sepoy had picked up the pistol of Hill and was coming
towards him. The Sepoy, single-handed, fought with two
or three Englishmen, wounded one with the sword, killed
the second, and was himself struck down by the sword of
a third. Tombs and Hill, both of them got the " Victoria
Medal " for this brave encounter, and Sir John Kaye says
that the brave Sepoy, too, ought to have got the " Baha-
dur Shah Medal " ! How many must have deserved the
Bahadur Shah Medal for their brave martyrdom in that
War of Independence! But this, too, is equally true, that
those that are so brave and so self-sacrificing get, if not the
Bahadur Shah medal, yet the nobler one, the Duty medal
of Martyrdom, even from the hands of Death himself !
On this day, the English soldiers were disgracefully routed!
But unable to avenge this on the Revolutionaries, these
brave people went back to their camp and wreaked their
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THE FIGHT IN DELHI
vengeance on the poor innocent bhishtis (water-carriers)
and other Indians in their service, by actually cutting them
down to death in cold blood!” ⁴ And yet it was these
bhishtis and others who had kept the English army in
fighting condition! But the English were worsted still
more terribly in the attack of the 14th of July. For, on
this day, the brave Chamberlain was shot dead by a Sepoy.
“The first warrior in our camp, the first in fame, the first
in honour! Woeful the day when our Chamberlain was
carried back to the camp wounded mortally!—” such is
the language with which the English historians express
the fullness of their grief at this their national loss.
Thus, the 15th of July passed off and still the proud towers
of Delhi were carrying their flags and banners, resplendent
in the rays of the sun, proclaiming to the world that the
city had now become the abode of Freedom! At last,
Reed himself resigned and retired to the Himalayan hills
to avoid a sure death! This was the third commander of
the English forces. Two were put into the grave; the
third could survive simply by resigning the charge—still
Delhi could not be taken! The chiefs of the staff, Quar-
termaster-General Becher and Adjutant-General Chamber-
lain were laid down in the camp expecting their death
every moment—still Delhi could not be taken! Nay,
even the question of self-defence is getting more and more
hopeless by the constant and harassing attacks of the
Revolutionaries who numbered, by now, more than
twenty thousand! Even if the Revolutionaries lost more
men in the encounters, yet the English could reap ab-
4. “It is related that, in the absence of tangible enemies, some
of our soldiery, who turned out on this occasion, butchered a number
of unoffending camp-followers, servants, and others who were hud-
dling together, in vague alarm, near the Christian church-yard. No
loyalty, no fidelity, no patient good service on the part of these good
people could extinguish, for a moment, the fierce hatred which
possessed our white soldiers against all who wore the dusky livery
of the East.”—Kaye and Malleson’s Indian Mutiny, Vol. II, p. 438.
301