द इण्डियन स्ट्रगल / भारतीय स्वाधीनता संग्राम (नेताजी सुभाष चन्द्र बोस - ऐतिहासिक विश्लेषण)

APPENDIX
Since the above was written, three events deserving of
notice have taken place. The plenary session of the Congress
met in Bombay on October 26th, 1934. The elections to the
Indian Legislative Assembly, in which the Congress Party has .
been participating, began in November. And the Report of
the Joint Parliamentary Committee on Indian Constitutional
Reforms was published on November 2nd, 1934.
The two important resolutions passed by the Bombay
Congress refer (1) to a change of the Congress Constitution
and (2) Constitution of an all-India Village Industries Asso-
ciation. The second resolution connotes an extension of the
existing Khadi (spinning and weaving) programme of the
Congress and indicates that the Congress desires to emphasise
non-political work. The first resolution has two principle
parts. (1) Reduction in the numerical strength of the Congress
delegates and of the all-India Congress Committee and (2)
provision of a rule that one must habitually wear Khadi for
six months in order to be elected a member of a Congress
Executive. Both the above resolutions may be regarded as
the Mahatma’s handiwork.
According to the Congress Constitution in vogue for
thirteen years, the number of delegates to be elected to a
Plenary Session of the Congress was 6000, while the strength
of the All-India Congress Committee was about 350. At the
Lahore Congress in December 1929, an attempt was made by
Mahatma Gandhi, Pandit Nehru and others to reduce the
stand of the former to 1000 and of the latter to 100. But the
attempt was defeated. The Bombay Congress has now
reduced the former to 2000 and the latter to 155. The signifi-
cance of this move in very great. When in 1920, the Mahatma
seized the Congress machinery and turned out the older
leaders, the forces of democracy were on his side and the
Nagpur Congress of 1920 was attended by no less than 14,000
delegates. To-day, the Mahatma is afraid of the forces of
democracy which he has helped to stir up, hence his attempt to
350

APPENDIX 351
reduce the stand not only of the Congress delegates, but also
of the All-India and Provincial Congress Committees.
Verily, the Mahatma has ceased to be a dynamic force. May
be, it is the effect of age.
But why did the Congress swallow the constitutional
amendment? The reason is not far to seek. In May 1933, the
Mahatma was able to suspend the civil-disobedience move-
ment under cover of his three weeks' fast. In November 1934,
he was able to alter the constitution under cover of his
retirement from the Congress. On both occasions, so great
was the sympathy roused for the Mahatma that emotional
and unthinking people accepted everything that the Mahatma
proposed, if only that would please him.
The question here arises—'has the Mahatma retired? If
so, why?' He has retired in the sense that his name does not
appear in the list of members of the Supreme Executive of
the Congress. But the executive—the Working Committee—
has been backed by his blind supporters. The present Work-
ing Committee is more submissive to the Mahatma than even
the Working Committee of last year, of which the Mahatma
was himself a member. Among the personnel of the present
Working Committee, the Swarajists or Parliamentarians are
conspicuous by their absence. Even, Mr. M. S. Anay who
dared to differ from the Mahatma on the question of the
Communal Award, is not there, despite his loyalty and sub-
missiveness in the past. And poor Mr. Nariman who ventured
to think independently, has been virtually kicked out of the
Committee. In 1924, the Mahatma had really retired from
Congress Politics together with his Party, as the Congress
machinery had been seized by his opponents, the Swarajists.
To-day, the person of the Mahatma may not be in the Com-
mittee—but his Party is there, stronger than ever. Moreover,
he has a direct control over the most important department of
future Congress activity—the Village Industries Association.
The so-called retirement of the Mahatma will not, accordingly,
diminish his hold over the Congress machinery in anyway—
but will enable him to disown all responsibility for the failures
of the official Congress Party during the next few years. His
retirement, therefore, is only one of his strategic retreats to

352 THE INDIAN STRUGGLE
which he is in the habit of resorting, whenever there is a
political slump in the country.
With regard to the elections to the Indian Legislative
Assembly, the latest report (dated November 24th, 1934)
goes to show that the official Congress Party has captured 43
seats, the Congress Nationalist Party 8 seats and others ap-
proximately 46. Among the 46 non-descripts, at least 10 are
expected to be close upon sixty in a house of approximately
145 members.
The Report of the Joint Parliamentary Committee on
Indian Constitutional Reforms contains no surprises for one
who is familiar with the contents of the White Paper. The
Report is approved by a large majority of 31 members of the
Committee. The Labour members of the Committee have
submitted an alternative scheme which is much more liberal
than the majority report. On the other hand, Lord Salisbury
and four other members have submitted, and the report
concedes only provincial autonomy and opposes responsible
Government at the centre. The majority report has whittled
down still further the already inadequate proposals of the
White Paper with a view to placating the Die-hard opposition
in Parliament. In view of the whittling down, it is widely
believed that when the Government of India Bill is introduced
on the basis of the report of the Joint Committee, it will have
the support of an overwhelming majority in the House of
Commons.
The following are some of the important points on which
the Joint Committee modify the White Paper proposals :-
I. Additional provisions are recommended in relation
to 'Law and Order' as follows :-
(i) The consent of the Governor, given in his dis-
cretion, should be required to any legislation
affecting Police Acts and to any rules made there-
under affecting the organisation or discipline of
the Police.
(ii) Records of the Intelligence Department relating
to terrorism should not be disclosed outside the
Police Force except to such public officers as the
Governor may direct.

APPENDIX 353
(iii) For the purpose of combating terrorism, the
Governor should have the power to take under
his own control any branch of Government which
it is necessary to use for that purpose.
2. Ministers and Secretaries to Government would be
required to bring to the notice of the Governor
anything that is likely to involve his 'special respon-
sibilities.'
3. Upper Chambers should be established in Madras
and Bombay as well as in Bengal, United Provinces
and Bihar.
4. Election to the Federal Lower House should be
indirect, by the members of the Provincial Lower
Houses, instead of direct by voters in territorial
constituencies.
5. If less than 90 per cent. of the State adhere to the
Federation, additional States representatives should
be appointed to the Federal Legislature to the extent
of half the difference between the seats to which the
Federating States would ordinarily be entitled and
the full State's representation if all the States acceded.
6. The High Courts should have control over the pro-
motions and postings of subordinate Judges, and the
Governor should have the final word in the appoint-
ment of District Judges.
7. The Governor-General should have a special responsi-
bility to prevent the imposition of penal tariffs on
goods imported from the United Kingdom.
8. The Legislatures in India, should after ten years,
have the constitutional right to present Addresses, for
the consideration of His Majesty's Government and
Parliament, recommending amendment of the Con-
stitution on certain specified matters such as compo-
sition of the Legislatures and franchise.
9. The separation of Burma from India should be accom-
panied by a Trade Agreement between the two
countries binding for a specified time.
As far as it can be ascertained, public opinion in India is
exceedingly hostile to the Joint Committee's Report. Never-
theless, the Bill, based on the Report, is expected to be put
through the British Parliament before the end of 1935.