सामग्री पर जाएँ
सर्वकोश
संग्रह पर लौटें

सिद्धान्तदर्पण (महामहोपाध्याय सामन्त चन्द्रशेखर सिंह - नग्न-नेत्र खगोल वेध एवं गणित महाकोश)

Siddhanta Darpana of Mahamahopadhyaya Samanta Chandrasekhara

सामन्त चन्द्रशेखर सिंह (सम्पादक: प्रो. योगेशचन्द्र राय) द्वारा

DevanagariHindipublished609 पृष्ठ

Introduction liii
mihira distinctly mentions the fact that in his time
the summer solstice took place at the beginning of
Cancer is a complete answer to the question we
have been discussing.
Dr. Thibaut, the learned editor of the
Panchasidhantika, however, finds difficulty in
accepting Saka 427, as the date of the composition
of the work. As far as I can gather from his
introduction to the work, his main objection lies in
a statement of Amraja, quoted by Bhau-Daji, that
“Varaha-mihira Acharya went to heaven in the
509th year of the Saka kala, i.e. A.D. 587”. For if
Varaha be supposed to have written the work in
Saka 427, he must have lived to the good old age
of eighty-two years after the composition; and
supposing him to have written it at the age of
twenty-years, he must have seen 102 summers.
Seeing that Varaha lived long enough to write
a very large number of works, there is nothing in
the statement intrinsically impossible. On the other
hand, if the Saka year were not the epoch of his
Karana, he defeated his own purpose. In deed, the
idea of a Karana-writer using a date borrowed from
some older Siddhanta, as has been supposed in this
case, and thus representing a time other than that
for which the work is written, is to say the least,
self-contradictory. Then again as has been pointed
out by Pandit Dwivedi, there is absolutely no proof
of the validity of Amraja’s assertion. Dr. Thibaut
admits that if Saka 427 be taken as the epoch of
Varaha’s work, several facts, not otherwise
explainable, become easy of explanation. All those
considerations, together with tradition about
Varaha’s time point to the conclusion we have
already arrived at by discussing ayanamsa.

liv सिद्धान्त दर्पण
Assuming then, that the zodiac at present in
use was fixed in Saka 427, let us explain a few facts
connected with it. First of all, we find that in 1389
years, which have elapsed since the date general
precession has amounted to 19°-23′-7″; while, had
the Surya-Siddhanta's year been in use throughout
the Sun must have been in error by 3°-15′-30″, thus
making the ayanamsa 22°-38′-37″ in Saka 1816 last.
The amount, however, differs from the observed by
28′,- a quantity too large to be neglected. On the
other hand, if Ganesa's length of the year be taken,
the error in the Sun amounts to 2°-9′-54″, making
the ayanamsa actually less by nearly 38′. It is
remarkable that the length of the year assumed by
Bhaskara makes the total 22°-12′21″, nearly the same
as is observed.¹
From the observed ayanamsa and the fact of its
commencement in Saka 427, the precessional rate
becomes 57″.45. This is lower than that obtained by
us from the Surya-Sidhanta's year, but nearly the
same as we obtained from Siromani's year. This
discrepancy between the rate calculated from
Surya-Siddhant and that found above can be
explained by supposing that the Surya-Siddhanta's
year may not have been in use throughout the large
interval of 1389 years, and that the rate of precession
is not known so acurately as may be sufficient for
the great length of time. The fact of Varaha's Surya-
Siddhanta giving a slightly shorter year (as shown
――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――――

  1. The formula 50-2411 t+0001134 t² is adopted for
    calculating the general precession. See Chauvenet's
    Astronomy. The precession constant appears to be a little
    too large, as is remarked by the author. A calculation
    made from Bessel's constant allowing for its variation,
    renders the general precession nearly 1′ less.

Introduction lv
by Dr. Thibaut), makes no sensible difference in the
result. Be the explanation what it may, it is to be
observed that Chandrasekhara gives 22°-26' as the
observed ayanamsa, which is 15' greater than what
we have assumed. This fact shows that somehow
or other, the length of the year in use was slightly
less than what we find it in the modern
Surya-Siddhanta.
At any rate, the vernal equinox in Revati did
not mark the beginning of the existing zodiac.
Ranganatha, a commentator of Surya-Siddhanta,
supports us by saying that the equinox fell
somewhere near Revati. For, the equinox fell on the
star in Saka 498, and during the period since
elapsed, the Sun has moved through an excess of
3°-5'-29", thus making the ayanamsa 21°-29'-18".
Even the Siddhanta's position of the star leaves a
difference of half a degree. So we must suppose
that the star Revati was nearly a degree to the East
of the initial point when the zodiac happened to
commence its existing fixity.
If any use is to be made of the recorded Dhruvas
of the stars, it appears to me to be the most
reasonable course to select those stars which are
situated near the ecliptic. For, as has been already
pointed out, the errors of observation by means of
rude appliances will increase with star-latitudes.
Accordingly, the following twelve stars situated
within five degrees on either side of the ecliptic are
given below for composition.

lvi
सिद्धान्त दर्पण
Stars | Longitude in Saka 1816 | Reduced longitude | Difference
Krittika (23 Tauri) | 58°-14′ | 38°-52′ | 19°-22′
Rohini | 68°-17′ | 47°-56′ | 20°-23′
Pushya (δCancri) | 127°-21′ | 106°-0′ | 21°-21′
Magha | 148°-21′ | 129°-0′ | 19°-21′
Chitra¹ | 202°-22′ | 181°-23′ | 21°-9′
Visakha² | | |
Anuradha | 241°-45′ | 224°-31′ | 17°-14′
Jyeshtha | 248°-17′ | 230°-41′ | 17°-36′
Purvashadha | 273°-6′ | 254°-30′ | 18°-36′
Uttarashadha | 278°-43′ | 260°-18′ | 18°-25′
Satatara | 340°-05′ | 319°-41′ | 20°-24′
Revati | 373°-34′ | 359°-50′ | 18°-34′
The mean of the differences is 19°-18′ carrying
us back to about 433 Saka. If it were possible to hit
upon the stars that were taken as fundamental stars
for the measurement of the Dhruvas, we could have
arrived at the correct result. We might fairly take
the star Magha as one of them, since it is a star of
the first magnitude, situated on the ecliptic, and
otherwise important in Sanskrit astronomy. It
would be seen from the precession of the star that
the Saka year 430 is reached.
As has been already pointed out, an allowance
must be made in the amount of precession deduced
from the recorded Dhruvas of stars. Still, the mean
general precession furnishes approximately the date
of their measurement. Dr. Thibaut has employed
the method to determine the "beginning of the
scientific period of Hindu astronomy". From Prof.
Whitney's discussion of the star-longitudes given in

  1. Bhaskar's Dhruva of the star is assumed.
  2. I am not certain of Visakha. If it be identified with α Libra
    the difference amounts to 22°-46′.

the modern Surya-Siddhanta Dr. Thibaut places the
period somewhere in the fifth century A.D. It is,
however, strange that he has omitted to discuss the
bearing of the Dhruvas of the seven stars he has
found in the old Surya-Siddhanta. Omitting Aslesha
which I cannot identify with certainty, the mean
general precession of the remaining six amounts to
about 24°. This implies, then, that astronomy as a
science began to be cultivated in India in the second
century A.D. at the latest.
We have already dwelt rather too long on the
determination of the starting point. But considering
the importance of the question in settling one of
the fundamental preliminaries to any possible
revision of on current almanacs, a word or two more
on the subject may be excused.
Chandrasekhara gives two methods for
determining the starting point. One is based upon
a verse of the modern Surya-Siddhanta, which he
takes to mean that the declination-circle passing
through the pole-star marks the junction between
Aries and Pisces (XII.61). He further cites his
authority for thus interpreting the verse from
Brahma-Jamala.
I am inclined to believe that he is mistaken in
thus interpreting the sloka of the Surya-Siddhanta,
though I have not seen Brahma-jamala, nor have I
an opportunity of doing so now. Taking, however,
the rule for granted it will be seen that the Dhruva
of the star was 21°-42' in Saka 1816. But from the
annual variation in the star's R.A. the change in its
Dhruva is nearly 3-3/4 minutes in a year. This fact
alone demolishes Chandrasekhar's view.
The other method suggested is an inverse

lviii सिद्धान्त दर्पण
application of the Sun's place, calculated after the
Surya-Siddhanta (S.D.VI.89). Assuming his
calculated place to be correct, it is easy to find the
beginning of the starting point of measurement. In
the absence of a better method, this remains the
only feasible course of procedure, and it is by this
method that we have got the present ayanamsa.
It will be noticed (S.D.XII.10) that
Chandrasekhara gives 5°N. as the polar latitude of
Revati. The fact is, he has given up the Revati of
our ancient astronomy for the simple reason that
the Siddhanta Revati is hardly recognisable, and
therefore practically useless. His Revati is not ζ
(zeta) but η (eta) Piscium. How far this innovation
will be acceptable to the public, remains to be seen.
Instances of giving old names to new stars are
not rare, and this appears to be one of the main
difficulties in identifying stars of different
Siddhantas. For example, the star Pushya of
Varaha-mihira's Surya-Siddhanta must have been a
different star from the one receiving the same name
in the current Surya-Siddhanta. For Pushya of old
appears to have been Proesepe of the Greeks, while
modern Pushya is δ Cancri.
It may be useful to knwo the stars to which
Chandrasekhara applies the Siddhanta names. For
this purpose I got a chart of the stars made by him
from which the following list is prepared.

  1. Asvini ά Arietes
  2. Bharani 41 Arietes
  3. Krittika Tauri (Pleides)
  4. Rohini ά Tauri (Aldebaran)
  5. Mrigasira λ Orionis

Introduction lix
6. Ardra αOrionis
7. Punarvasu Geminorum
8. Pushya Proesepe (in Cancer)
9. Aslesha - Hydrae
10. Magha Leonis (Regulus)
11. Purvaphalguni δ Leonis
12. Uttaraphalguni Leonis
13. Hasta δ Corvi
14. Chitra αVirginis (Spica)
15. Svati αBootis (Arcturus)
16. Visakha αLibra
17. Anuradha δ Scorpionis
18. Jyeshtha αScorpionis (Antares)
19. Mula γScorpionis
20. Purvashadha δ Sagittarii
21. Uttarashadha Sagittarii
Abhijit Lyri (vega)
22. Sravana γAquiloe (Altair)
23. Dhanishtha β Delphinii
24. Satataraka λ Aquarii
25. Purvabhadrapada β Pegasi
26. Uttarabhadrapada αAndromeda
27. Revati ξ Piscium
Agni β Tauri
Brahmahridaya Aurigae (Capella)
Prajapati Aurigade
Ilvaka Orion's belt
Lubdhaka Sirius 8
Agastya Canopus 9

lx सिद्धान्त दर्पण
Kratu Ursa majoris
Pulaha Ditto
Pulastya Ditto
Atri Ditto
Angira Ditto
Vasishtha Ditto
Marichi Ditto
Apayavasu 5°N. of Spica; 5th mag.
Apamvatsa 6°N. of Apaya; 5th mag.
The polar longitude and latitude of
Chandraskhara's Revati , as given in the work, are
slightly incorrect. In a letter to me, he gave 359°10′
and 5°30′N. as the corrected longitude and latitude.
Accordingly, the precession of the star amounted
to 22°20′-41″ in Saka 1816. These correction were
thought necessary by him in order that the observed
ayanamsa might agree with the precession of the
star as he ascertained it. But we cannot but admit
that he has confounded ayanamsa (or
sun-precession) with star-precession.¹ For, it is
obvious the amount of ayanamsa we observe by the
Sun affects only the Sun's place in finding moment
of his crossing the equinoctial points, while the
general precession of the stars remains unaffected
by the slight increase assumed in the length of the
year. But credit must be given him for his
conssitency in the view, however wrong it may be
in the light of the facts disclosed.
Another important improvement made by

  1. An instance of an error of this kind is currnt in our Bengali
    almanacs in which the equinoxes are puttwo days later
    on account of the ayanamsa being taken at 20°55′.

Introduction lxi
Chandrasekhara is in the Sun's parallax. The history
of his attempts at determining it is no less
interesting than the results he actually obtained.
The ancient astronomers of India were satisfied with
taking for the parallax of each planet, 1/5th part of
its mean daily motion. Accordingly, the Sun's
horizontal parallax was considered to be 3'56", and
that of the Moon 52' 42". With rough instruments
at their disposal, the ancient observers could not
but assign wrong values. But awkwardly enough,
the parallaxes of the Sun and Moon come into every
prediction of their eclipses. So while modern
astronomy increases the distance of the Sun to
something like 400 times the distance of the Moon,
our ancient astronomers placed him no farther than
14 times this distance. Chandrasekhara has removed
him to a distance of about 154 times the mean
distance of the Moon.
Chandrasekhara told me that before he got the
parallax, he had passed many an unhappy day. He
was then very young, but was anxious to know the
Sun's distance. He could not even imagined how
the distance could ever be known. The ancient
works were dogmatic in their assertions, and did
not say a word about the method employed. By his
failure in approaching the problem, he became
disheartened. One day thus dejected in mind, while
he was coming home, he noticed an image of the
Sun projected through a narrow aperture in a fence
of palm leaves close to his house. This phenomenon
well known to every tyro in physical science made
him reflect, and he thought that he had got a
solution of his problem. Could he but get the Sun's
real diameter. This similar triangles on the two sides
of the aperture, with their bases formed by the Sun

lxii सिद्धान्त दर्पण
and his image, would enable him to find the
distance. He hastened home, but before he looked
into any work for the Sun's true diameter, he saw
his error. For, was he not assuming the thing he
wanted to find out? And his exultation was followed
by despair.
At ths stage the problem rested for several
years, till he became acquainted with rules for
calculating eclipses. He found that the parallax of
the Sun assumed in the Siddhantas was too large
to make predictions of eclipses correct. The anular
and total eclipses, together with those in which the
Moon just grazes the shadow, were his landmarks
in the determination of the problem. He was for
sometime in a sea of doubt. Perhaps the Siddhantas
were wrong in the mater of parallax, as in many
other matters. Perhaps his observations were not
made with that degree of accuracy which was
demanded by such problems.
These questions were never out of his mind a
single day through a long year. An accident
favoured him. He was reading the Atharvan
Upanishad, and was surprised to find that the Sun's
diameter was not 6500 yojanas as given in the
Surya-Siddhanta, but 72000 yojanas. This gave him
a fresh basis for calculation, and he was satisfied
that this diameter did not shift his landmarks to
any extent which he could detect. This gave 22" for
the Sun's horizontal parallax, and with careful
calculation that of the Moon was found to be 56'28".
Repeated observations left no doubt in his mind
about the correctness of his figures. Besides, here
was an authority from Sruti itself.¹ Taking 72000

  1. Lastely he learnt that European astronomers find the

Introduction lxiii
yojanas for the true diameter of the Sun, the
distance of the Sun from the earth was found to be
between 105 and 106 times the Sun's diameter. In
other words, the distance of the Sun and the Moon
are 9510 and 61 radii of the earth respectively
(VIII.12, 13, & XIX.49).
The introduction is brought to a close with
another topic well-known even to the boys of our
elementary schools. It is about the movement of the
earth, which Chandrasekhara does not admit. It is
curious no doubt to hear a man given to astronomy,
maintaining with all seriousness an idea which
mankind has learnt to repudiate since the days of
Copernicus. And there are men who, talking glibly
of the earth's movements, thought that his
calculations could not possibly come out right from
such wrong fundamental premises. It is needless to
argue the matter with those whose rudimentary
knoweldge of mathematics did not enable them to
understand relative motion and I would not have
introduced the topic, had it not been made the sole
criterion of the merits of this work.
To such critics, I would suggest that centuries
elapsed during which our forefathers and the
forefathers of Europeans did nto even dream of the
possibility of this firm and fixed earth's spinnign
Sun's horizontal parallax to be aobut 8" and that of the
Moon 56'40". But he has found no reasons for correcting
his figures. He says, the difference between the parallaxes
of the Sun and the Moon amounts to 56'32" according to
European astronomy, while he finds 56'6" giving results
agreeing with observation. Now, if the difference were
changed by 26", an annular eclipse would be changed in
to a partial, a partial into an annular and a total into a
"touching" one.

lxiv सिद्धान्त दर्पण
like a top round its axis, far less of its rushing
onwards with headlong speed. Chandrasekhara had
not the advantage of our modern schools, and has
not imbibed the spirit of taking such things on trust.
His is a work of unaided effort, and it would be
surprising if he, along with the schoolboy, talked
of the movements of the earth. On the contrary, a
miserable Odia translation of a Bengali compilation
from English popular astronomy made him a
confirmed believer in the stationary condition of the
earth. The arguments put forth in the book to
establish the movements of the earth may be
sufficient to satisfy those who do not try to realize
the matter, but unfortunately were not convincing
to a man who struggled hard to reconcile the new
idea in all its bearings with his own observations.
Indeed, the translation and another of like
nature were the only sources from which
Chandrasekhara learnt something of western
knowledge. They may have so far influenced him
as to modify his ideas about physical astronomy,
vague indications of which will be seen in certain
passages of this work,¹ but had hardly any effect
upon his as regard mathematical astronomy. The
reader will find him doubtfully speaking of the
satellites of some of the planets, of the proportion
of land and water on the globe, and the latitudes
of one hundred and eight places derived from
modern Odia maps and other sources. In these he
sees no reason for disbelieving what is actually
observed. But where are the observed proofs of the
movements of the earth ?

  1. See V, 79 for possible satellites, XI.40 for phases of
    planets; XVII. for force of gravitation, & c.

Introduction lxv
To controvert the theory of the movements, he
has divided his arguments to the contrary into three
classes. The movements are opposed to Sastric
authority, to common sense, and to logical
reasoning. To do him justice, I believe he would
not hesitate a moment to modify his views, could
he get the modern theory in all its details. He has
thus rendered a service to us by compelling us to
think. The same service was rendered by the heroic
John Hampden who a few years ago essayed to
prove that the world, instead of being a globe, was
in reality as flat as a table. There is a tendency on
the part of mankind when it has established any
doctrine, to assume that it cannot possibly be
disputed and so in time we even forget the
arguments by which the truth was established.
There is thus a need for these exceptional and more
or less original heretics who challenge our accepted
doctrines.
But the peculiarity of his theory is that though
the earth occupies the centre of the universe, the
planets do not revolve round it. They revolve round
the Sun, and the Sun taking all the planets along
with it revovles round the earth (V.6). The Moon
is of course a satellite of the earth, and makes no
difference in the old and new astronomy. But where
could he get the theory of the planets describing
ovals round the Sun ? It is not imported from the
West, but is a direct corollary from the elements of
the planets themselves. For if we plot the calculated
places of a planet with respect to the Sun, the former
will be found to describe something like an oval
round the latter.
Indeed, I believe that this view of the star
system was held by our ancient astronomers. We

lxvi सिद्धान्त दर्पण
cannot suppose that they could be so ignorant as
not to see this simple deduction. The late Pandit
Bapudeva Sastri gave other arguments in support
of this doctrine of the ancient astronomers (See his
pamphlet Bhubhrama-Vichara), though I am
inlcined to think that the Sastri went rather too far
in drawing the inference that our astronomers
supposed the earth to be a planet of the Sun.
This system, formulated a new by our author,
forcibly reminds one of Tycho Brahe, and bearing
in mind Chandrasekhara's life, we may regard him
as the veritable Tycho of India. Like Tycho our
author belongs to a noble family, which had for a
series of years claimed independence. Tycho's early
education was in Latin, and what Latin is to Europe,
Sanskrit is to India. Young Chandrasekhara was
early acquainted with the sacred lore of Sanskrit.
His knowledge was so far advanced as to enable
him to compose verses in it, as Tycho could in Latin.
Tycho had been destined ot lead a soldier's life, but
his uncle who adopted him made him study law.
While he was so engaged, his attention was first
drawn to astronomy by the prediction of a solar
eclipse in 1560 A.D. Like him Chandrasekhara
received his education from his, uncle, and the same
search after the unknown led our Indian Tycho to
penetrate the mysterious destinies of men with the
help of astrology. It is said that all sciences had
their origin in wonder, and it is preeminently true
of astronomy. Nothing but star-gazing could have
excited the simple yet noble utterances of the Vedic
Rishis, and star-gazing has given birth to a
Hipparchus and a Galileo, and may we add, to the
Tycho of Europe and the Tycho of India ? The
European Tycho had Copernicus before him and

Introduction lxvii
the long ascendancy of the Almagest was fast
coming to a close. Chandrasekhara's Almagest was
Surya-Siddhanta, and his Copernicus was Bhaskara.
Both Tycho and Chandrasekhara detected at an
early age discrepancies between observation and
calculation. Tycho held and Chandrasekhara still
holds the same views about the solar system. The
Copernican theory was before Tycho, and
Chandrasekhara knew the theory of Aryabhatta,
and we may add, heard not only of the diurnal
rotation of the earth propounded by the renowned
Aryabhatta, but of the annual revolution of the
earth round the Sun from modern Geography. But
both declined to accept the new theory on almost
precisely the same grounds. Tycho rejected the
Copernican theory chiefly for two reasons. "One
reason," says Professor Young, was that it was
unfavourably regarded by the clergy, and he was a
good churchman. The other was the scientific
objection that if the earth moved round the Sun,
the fixed stars all ought to appear to move in a
corresponding manner each star describing annually
an oval in the heavens of the same apparent
dimensions as the earth's orbit itself, seen from the
star. Technically speaking, they ought to have an
annual parallax."¹ Chandrasekhara is equally

  1. The fact that the stars should have parallaxes if the earth
    revoired around the Sun was known at a very early date.
    Tycho Brahe observed them in order to discover whether
    they were sensibly fixed in the sky or not. So far his
    observations went they did not change their positions
    during the year. He inferred from this that the earth
    remained fixed and that the Sun moved. His error was
    due to the fact that his observatons were not sufficiently
    accurate to show the slight displacement which the stars

lxviii सिद्धान्त दर्पण
supersitious wit Tycho, a staunch Hindu to the
backbone. How can he disbelieve the Sastras ? And,
besides, “the stars do not shift their places
according to the seasons of the year.”¹
The parallel drawn between Tycho and
Chandrasekhara is close so far. But it fails when we
remember that Tycho had the benefit of a university
education, of the patronage of kings, and what is
more important, that he had instruments as delicate
as he could desire. Chandrasekhara has spent his
life among his native hills, has seldom been five
miles away from his little village and did not receive
any encouragement from anybody in respect of his
work. Tycho had the friendship of Frederick II of
Denmark who gave him an estate in Norway; “a
pension of £400 a year for life, a site for a large
observatory, and 20,000 to build it with,” and
philosophers and statesmen and kings came to visit
his observatory and dined at his table.
And what did our Indian Tycho receive ? He
have. His observations were made shortly before the
invention of the telescope and he could not measure the
minute angles through which the stars were displaced.
In fact, there distances are so great and the parallactic
displacements are so small that the 19th century was well
advanced before astronomers succeeded in finding any
stars with measurable parallaxes.

  1. Many of his arguments are dircted against a
    misconception of the new theory. For instance, he argues
    that if the earth be rolling like a wheel, then it ought to
    move only 12,000 Krosa per day; for that is the length of
    the earth's circumference. But you say, its daily motion
    is 8,00,000 Krosa. A stone whirled round has always the
    same face turned towards us; how can there be an
    alternation of day and night by the rotation of the earth,
    and so on.

Introduction lxix
met with sneers from his equals in position, because
he shook off the aristocratic prejudice against
star-gazers and fortune-tellers. He had no one to
encourage him in his pursuit, and no notice was
taken of his work. Our Government could only
confer upon him an empty title which he had never
coveted. Geniuses are liek declicate plants, never
plentiful anywehre and depend upon tender care
for growth and development and fertility. Let me
therefore hope that the past neglect of his
countrymen may yet be compensated, and that
better days may yet dawn upon our old and crippled
observe of heavenly bodies.
Jogesh Chandra Roy¹

  1. The above article reproduced is the introduction written
    in Feb' 1899 at Katak (presently Cuttack) by Late Professor
    Jogesh Chandra Roy to the book 'Siddhanta-darpana' of
    Samanta Chandrasekhara, published for the first time in
    devanagari script.

विषय सूची
विषय श्लोक स० पृष्ठ स०
भूमिका i-iii
गणित क्रया शब्द iv-vi
सिद्धान्त दर्पण में प्रयुक्त अंकों के पर्याय शब्द vii-x
INTRODUCTION xi-lxix
१. मध्यमाधिकार
प्रथम प्रकाश - काल वर्णन १-१२
मंगलाचरण १
प्रतिज्ञा १०
गणित स्कन्ध की उपयोगिता १२
पुराने सिद्धान्तों की अपेक्षा विशेष बातें १३
वेदांग के रूप में ज्योतिषशास्त्र १५
सिद्धान्त नहीं जानने वाले की निन्दा १६
सिद्धान्त लक्षण १७
सिद्धान्त प्रशंसा १८
सिद्धान्त बरहस्य १९
पूर्व और उत्तर भागों के विषय २०
परब्रह्म से सृष्टि की उत्पत्ति २१
भचक्र का भ्रमण २२
ज्योतिष चक्र का काल रूप २३
काल के दो प्रकार २४
मूर्त्त और अमूर्त्त काल २५
त्रुटि आदि सूक्ष्म काल प्राण
आदि स्थूल काल २८
मुहूर्त के सूक्ष्म और स्थूल विभाग २९
नाक्षत्र, सावन, चान्द्र तथा
सौर दिन आदि ३१
देव और असुर दिन ३२
सन्धि सहित चार युगों का प्रमाण ३५

lxxii सिद्धान्त दर्पण
विषय श्लोक स० पृष्ठ स०
सन्धि सहित मन्वन्तर का मान ३७
ब्रह्मा की दिन आदि आयु का मान ४०
सृष्टि आरम्भ से ग्रन्थ आरम्भ
तक का काल ४२
ब्रह्मा के दिन के दण्ड आदि ४४
सृष्टि अब्द ४६
भगण आदि प्रवृत्ति काल ४८
ब्रह्मा का दिन समाप्त होने पर प्रलय ५२
भगण राशि आदि विभाग ५४
श्री जगन्नाथ स्तव ५५
ग्रन्थ कार का परिचय ५६
द्वितीय प्रकाश - भगण आदि का वर्णन १३-१८
रवि, बुध, शुक्र का मध्य तथा मंगल
गुरु, शनि के शीघ्र के कल्प भगण १
मंगल, गुरु, शनि के मध्य, ग्रहों के मन्दोच्च
तथा चन्द्र पात के कल्प भगण ३
कल्प में नक्षत्र दिन ५
ग्रहों के कु दिन ५
चान्द्र मास निकालना ६
अधिमास निकालना ७
चान्द्र दिन निकालना ७
तिथि क्षय निकालना ७
सौर और चान्द्र मास संख्या ८
अधिमास संख्या ९
सौर सौर चान्द्र दिन संख्या १०
सावन दिन ११
क्षयतिथि ११
मन्द और शीघ्र केन्द्र के भगण १२
कल्प भगण, शीघ्र मन्दोच्च १३
नाक्षत्र और चान्द्र तथा भौम दिनों के
मध्यम प्राण १४
व्यावहारिक सावन दिन १५

विषय सूची lxxiii
विषय श्लोक स० पृष्ठ स०
ग्रहों की दैनिक गति १६
भगण दिन आदि निकालना १६
दिन के अवयव १७
सूर्य भगण के दिन आदि १७
मध्यम गुरु के राशि भोग का समय १८
ग्रहों की दस प्रकार की गति, चन्द्र
का उच्च और पात १९
श्री जगन्नाथ स्तुति २५
उपसंहार २६
तृतीय प्रकाश - मध्यम ग्रह १९-३२
मध्यम ग्रह के लिये रवि मध्यम सावन
दिन निकालना १
अहर्गण में एक दिन कम या
अधिक करना ९
वार अधिपति १३
मास अधिपति १५
वर्ष अधिपति १६
मास वर्ष का गत तथा गम्य काल १६
वर्ष अधिपति के बारे में दूसरा मत १७
पालक अधिपति २०
अहर्गण से ग्रहों के भगण राशि
आदि निकालना २२
मध्यम गुरु के प्रभव आदि संवत्सर २६
अधिवत्सर का निर्णय २८
लुप्त संवत्सर का निर्णय २८
महा अतिचार २९
अच्युत आदि द्वादश युग ३०
पांच प्रकार के आंगिरस वर्ष ३०
इन वर्षों के अधिपति ३१
प्रभव आदि साठ संवत्सरों के
शुभ अशुभफल ४४
बारह युगों के अधिपति ४६