मेरा आजीवन कारावास / माझी जन्मठेप (स्वातंत्र्यवीर सावरकर - काले पानी का ऐतिहासिक संस्मरण)

may behave well or ill, I was always to be treated as a prisoner. There was no getting out
of that position even for a slight concession.
While I was being dealt with in this manner inside the prison, the political
prisoners who were sent for work outside the prison were being treated more harshly than
before. All of us had begun to think that it was part of our duty to make an organised
move to retaliate in behalf of Indu Bhushan the account of whose tragic end I have given
in the previous pages. They had misrepresented him and they had sought to prove that
he had done himself to death in a fit of insanity. We felt that we must do something to
set things right in this affair. And we decided after considerable discussion and
deliberation that strike was the only weapon that could bring the authorities to their
senses. We further felt that we must be recognised as political prisoners not only for
purposes of maltreatment, but also for purposes of due concessions, that whether we were
kept inside the prison or sent out on the settlement, we must be given comparatively light
work to do, some writing work inside according to our ability, or some light work outside
according to our status. Nothing should be forced upon us simply to undermine our health
as was being purposely clone then. Political prisoners, other than those who had been
transported here on life-sentence, should be treated like ordinary prisoners, so on and so
forth. We put down these demands in a serial order, and we selected two of us
as our representatives to submit the petition personally to the authorities- In the petition
I had pointed out that prisoners on transportation for life did not get even the ordinary
facilities of other prisoners, like sending and receiving letters, or occasional meeting
with relatives and friends, or facility to read and write, or to be taken up as petty officers.
We were not recognised as ordinary prisoners entitled to these concessions and we got no
facilities as prisoners belonging to a special class. If we claimed any rights as political
prisoners, we were put off with the excuse that ordinary prisoners would resent the
partiality shown to us, and the prison-officers would not be a party to such a decision. To
sum up, we were subjected, as political prisoners, to all the disabilities of prison-life in
India and the Andamans, without the compensating facilities afforded to ordinary
prisoners in all the jails of India, as well as in the Cellular Jail of the Andamans. I ended
the petition with a solemn warning that no longer shall we tolerate such treatment of
political prisoners in the jail presided over by Mr. Barrie. 'No relief, no concession, then
no work'—that was our final resolution on the matter. And, in the carrying out of this
solemn covenant, we were prepared for the worst. Our petition, like all other petitions
before it, went for nothing; and strike was the weapon we decided to employ. One by
one, the political prisoners outside began to repair to their cells in the Silver Jail. The
prisoners inside stopped all work on the fixed day and thus the strike began. This was the
second strike during my period in the prison of the Andamans.
My brother had joined the strike on its first day. Prisoners were handled severely
for this species of non-cooperation. Batch after batch of civil resisters was hauled up
before the Superintendent, and sentences were passed upon them of putting on handcuffs,
or chains on the arms, or shackles on the feet, or solitary confinement in the cells. Every
block of the Silver Jail, and every room in that block witnessed the scene of prisoners
hanging with their manacled hands tied to the top above. Some tried to squat on the