महाराणा कुम्भा (हरविलास सारदा - मेवाड़ साम्राज्य के अद्वितीय विजेता, निर्माता व विद्वान्)

Maharana Kumbha.
The Khumbhalgarh Inscription of A.D.
1460, verse 198, and the Eklingji ¹ Temple
Inscription of A.D. 1488, sl. 131, both say
that Khshetra Singh invaded the land of the
Harās, broke and reduced to submission the
fortress of Mandalgarh, which according to the
Shringirishi Inscription of A.D. 1428, even
Allauddin Khilji was unable to touch.
Khshetra Singh attacked and defeated the
Sultans of Malwa and Gujrat. He defeated
Dilawar Khan Ghori, the first Sultan of Malwa
in a battle fought at Bakrole ² and destroyed
his army. Amin Shah ³ was the original
name of Sultan Dilawar Khan Ghori of
Malwa, vide. Rizaqulla Mushtaqi's Wakiat
Mushtaqi ⁴ and Roger's Tuzaki Jahangiri ⁵
Dilawar Khan's son's name before he succeeded
his father as Sultan of Malwa under the title
of Hoshang, was Alpkhan.
¹ Bhavanagar Inscriptions, p. 119.
² Bakrole was given by Rana Ari Singh as Jagir to Dhiraj
Singh, who named the place Hammirgarh, after Rana Ari
Singh's successor, Hammir Singh.
³ Some historians have been misled by Amin Shah
having become Humayun Shah in some manuscripts. This
explains Colonel Tod's statement that the Maharana defeated
Emperor Humayun at Bakrole.
⁴ Elliot's History of India, Vol., IV, p. 552.
⁵ Vol. I, p. 407.
5

Maharana Kumbha.
The Kumbhalgarh Inscription of A.D. 1460,
verse 200, says that the "Mussalman king of
Malwa received such a chastisement from Rana
Khshetra Singh that he constantly sees him
in his dreams." "The Rana captured Amin
Shah as a serpent captures a toad," v. 202.
The Eklingji Temple Inscription,¹ v. 119, of
A.D. 1488, says : "He who burnt down the
poison of the pride of the great serpent
Amin Shah, was the great Rana Khshetra
Singh of Chitor."
The Shringirishi Inscription of 1428 A.D.
(unpublished) verse 6, says that Khshetra Singh
"by the strength of his sword defeated Amin
Shah² and killed all the Muslims (of his army)
and captured his treasure and countless horses
and brought them to Chitor." The Eklinga
Mahatamya, Sloka 156, and Kumbha's
Kirtisthambha Inscription of 1460 A.D. also
mention this fact.
¹ Bhavanagar Inscriptions, p. 119.
² A couplet in a popular Rupak says :—
एतलो कटक अमीशाह को, खेतल भंजै खङ्गवल ।
अइवेग चलन्तो दीठ में, रहस तरोवर एक तल ॥
—Naiṅsi's khyat, p. 22.
6

Maharana Kumbha.
The Chitor Kiritisthambha Inscription,
verse 23, of A.D. 1460, says that Khshetra
Singh conquered Idar and imprisoned its
valorous ruler Raja Ran Mal, who had com-
pletely defeated Zafar Khan, the first indepen-
dent Sultan of Gujrat.¹ The Kumbhalgarh
Inscription, verse 196, says "Raja Ran Mal
had broken the power of Zafar Khan, who had
imprisoned many Rajas. That Ran Mal (Raja
of Idar) who had made large numbers of
Muslim women widows, had to remain without
a bed in Khshetra Singh's prison, when a
hundred Rajas were imprisoned."
The Eklingji Temple Inscription, v. 119,
of 1485 A.D., says that the Maharana took
away the State treasure of Idar and placed
Ran Mal's son on the throne of that kingdom.
The Kumbhalgarh Inscription, v. 119,
says that Khshetra Singh conquered Toda,
defeating its ruler Satal.²
Rana Khshetra Singh died in A.D. 1382,
leaving 7 sons, of whom the eldest Lakhsh
Singh succeeded him. Only one inscription
¹ Lane Poole's Muhammadan Dynasties of India, p. 312.
² For an account of Todā, see Archæological Survey
Report for 1872-73, Vol; VI, p. 124.
7

Maharana Kumbha.
of the time of Khshetra Singh has so far come
to light. It is engraved on the door of the
Seetla Mata temple in Gogandā and is dated
the Asoj Vad 13, V. S. 1423 (A.D. 1366).
RANA LAKHSH SINGH.
Lakhsh Singh or Lakha,¹ as he was
popularly called, was one of the most
successful of the Maharanas of Mewar, and
reigned from 1382 to 1397 A.D. In his
father Rana Khshetra Singh's time, while he
was heir apparent to the throne, Lakhā led an
expedition against the fortress of Joga² and
conquered it.
He extended his dominions by the subju-
gation of Merwārā. He destroyed the chief
stronghold of the Mérs, Beratgarh, on the
ruins of which he founded Badnor.³ The
Kumbhalgarh Inscription of S. 1460, V. 212,
and the Chitorgarh Tower of Victory Inscrip-
tion, verse 36, mention this conquest. It
was during his reign that the tin and silver
¹ Also called Lākhan.
² Eklingji Temple Inscription, V. 35, published in
Bhavanagar Inscriptions, p. 119.
³ Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. 1, p. 274.
8

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Jug Mandir Palaces—Pichola Lake, Udaipur.

Maharana Kumbha.
mines of Jāwar in the hilly district of
Mewar were discovered. With the revenues
thus augmented, he rebuilt the palaces and
temples which had been destroyed by Sultan
Allauddin Khilji of Delhi. He excavated
many reservoirs and lakes, raised immense
ramparts to dam their waters and constructed
a number of forts.¹
Tradition has it that during Rana Lakha’s
reign, a rich Banjara constructed the famous
Picholā lake, on the bank of which the city of
Udaipur was built later. This beautiful
lake containing the celebrated island palaces
of Jagmandir and Jagniwas, is 2½ miles
long by 1½ miles wide. It was in one of
the Jagmandir palaces that Shahjahan, then
Prince Khurram, was given shelter by Maha-
rana Karan Singh when the former rebelled
against his father Emperor Jahāngir in 1622
A.D. The Maharana built a domed building
for the prince, the interior being decorated
with mosaics in onyx cornelian jaspers and
agates while a chapel was built near by to a
Muslim saint to keep the Prince 'in the odour
¹Vir Vinod, Vol. 1, p. 308.
9

Maharana Kumbha.
of sanctity. May be that Shah Jahan here
got the idea of marble mosaics for the famous
Taj Bibi ka Roza or Taj Mahal that he built
at Agra.
Inscriptions of the time of Maharana Lakha
show that Ghanérao, Nānā and Ḳot Solankian
had become incorporated with Mewar. The
inscription dated V. S. 1468 (1411 A.D.)
engraved on the magnificent steel trisula in
the Achaleshwar temple at Abu, says that the
trisula had been manufactured in Ghanérao
in Maharana Lakha's time. Another inscrip-
tion of V. S. 1475 (A.D. 1419) found in Kot
Solankian says that the Jain temple in the
Asalpur fort was renovated in Maharana
Lākhā's time, Vide Muni Jin Vijai's Prāchin
Lekh Sangrah, Part II, p. 221, Inscription
no. 370. These two inscriptions show that the
rich province of Godwar had passed into
the Maharana's possession either in Lakha's
time or before it.
Rana Lakha conquered the Sankhlā Rajputs
of Shekhāwāti (Nagarchal¹ territory), and like
his father, defeated the royal army of the
¹ Vir Vinod, p. 306. Also Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. 1, p. 274.
10

Pichola Lake and Udaipur.

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Maharana Kumbha.
Sultan of Delhi at Badnor, and the Sultan
of Gujrat at Mandalgarh.¹ He liberated
Tristhali² (Benares, Allahabad and Gaya)
from the Mussalmans and the hill fort of
Vardhan³ from the Meds (Mers). Col. Tod
says: "He carried the war to Gaya, and in
driving the barbarian from this sacred place,
lost his life."⁴
It was about this time, the close of the
fourteenth century A.D., that the Rathods,
who under their leader Sihaji, had come in
the thirteenth century A.D., from the United
Provinces, and settled in Pali (Marwar), began
to take root in the congenial soil of this
hospitable region, and throw out ramifications
all round. One branch had settled in Mālāni,
where the famous warrior, Mallinath ruled.
¹ Ferishta (Vol. IV, p. 6) says that Sultan Muzaffar Shah
of Gujrat invaded Mandalgarh in A.D. 1396, but returned with-
out conquering it, as he was given gold and jewels. The Mussal-
man historians generally describe defeats of Mussalman kings
by saying that the Sultan returned owing to the rainy season
having set in, or, because he was given gold and jewels.
Gujrat histories make no mention of this expedition against
Mandalgarh. The Mirati Sikandari mentions Māndu by mis-
take for Mandalgarh—Bayley's Gujrat, p. 77.
² Maharana Kumbha's Kumbhalgarh Inscription, V. 207
(Also Chitorgarh Kirtisthambha Inscription, V. 3).
³ Ibid, V. 36.
⁴ Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Vol. 1, p. 275.
11

Maharana Kumbha.
Mallinath had attained the position of a
Siddha, i.e. one who by his religious pieties
and practices had become perfect. Mallinath's
son Jugmal was also a hero$^1$ and his romantic
career is remembered to this day by the deeds
of chivalry he performed, and which are sung
throughout Rajputana.
Sihaji who died$^2$ on Kartik Vad 12, S.
1330 (A. D. 1273) was the son of Setkumar
Rathod and was succeeded by his son Asthān,
who was succeeded by Duhad, then Raipal,
then Kampal, after whom came Jalansi, then
Chhada and then Tida, followed by Sulkha
$^1$ Gindoli, the daughter of the ruler of Gujrat having
heard of the heroic deeds of Jugmal fell in love with him, and
Jugmal coming to know of it, brought away the girl, and
refused to restore her.
गींदोली बांधी गलै, जका न दे जगमाल
The ruler of Gujrat invaded Jugmal's territory but was
defeated and had to return discomfited. The popular couplet:—
बीबी पूछे खान ने, जग केता जगमाल
"The Begam asks the Khan 'how many Jugmals are
there in the world" (meaning that apparently the world is full
of them) shows the brave deeds of the Rajputs in the war.
This war is said to have continued for six months. A song
commemorating the love of Jugmal and Gindoli, Jugmal's
refusal to give up Gindoli, and his valorous deeds in the war
are sung in Rajputana, particularly accompanied by the Ghumar
dance.
$^2$ His Samadha (mausoleum) was built by his widow
Solankini Parvati, vide Indian Antiquary, Vol. 40, p. 301.
12

Maharana Kumbha.
and Viram. Viram was killed by the Joiya
Rajputs, and his son Chonda becoming homeless,
passed his childhood in the service of a
Brahmin, looking after his cows. In early youth,
however, he gathered a following and defeated
the Joiyas, recovered his patrimony and
eventually won distinction as the first Rathod
King of Marwar, with Mandor as his Capital.
Marwar had, for centuries, been ruled by
Pratihar Rajputs. In the 14th century A.D.,
their power had greatly declined owing to the
constant inroads of the Mussalman governors
of Nagor in the north east, and the Chauhans
of Jalor in the south west. As the Pratihar
Chief, Inda Raidhawal was unequal to the
burdens of the sovereignty of Marwar during
these troublous time, he gave his daughter in
marriage to Chonda, as he and his supporters
thought that the enterprising Chonda would
be able to save the country from falling into
the hands of the Mussalmans of Nagor. With
the princess was given the kingdom of Mandor
in dowry, and it was stipulated that Chonda
would keep the Pratihar nobles in possession
of their several estates. A couplet referring
13

Maharana Kumbha.
to this event, says :—
इंदां रो उपकार कमधज मत भूलै कदै ।
चुँडो चँवरी चाड दियो मंडावर डायजे ॥
“Rathods, never forget the great
benefit, Indas¹ have conferred.
Chonda was married : Mandor was
given in dowry (to him).”
Mr. Chintamani V. Vaidya in his History
of Mediæval Hindu India, says : “The
Rathods first took shelter under the Pratihars
of Mandor whom they subsequently treach-
erously supplanted.”² This sentence contains
two allegations : (1) that the Rathods took
shelter under the Pratihars of Mandor and (2)
that the Rathods subsequently treacherously
supplanted them in the land. He has, however
nowhere quoted any authority or given any
reasons whatever to support these allegations,
which are absolutely unfounded. The learned
author thus describes³ the advent of the
Rathods in Rajputana :—“In fact throughout
Indian history, Rajputana appears to have
afforded a sheltering ground to the Indo-
Aryans, whenever they were thrust out of
¹ Indas are a branch of Pratihar Rajputs.
² Vol. II, p. 99. ³ Vol. II, p. 68.
14

Maharana Kumbha.
their richer lands, blessed with plentiful
water, by barbarian hordes like the Sakas, the
Kushans, the Huns and lastly the Muhammadan
Turks and Afghans. The last of the Rajput
families which thus took shelter in the sands
of Rajastan, we know from authentic history,
were the Rathods of Kanauj, who after the
defeat and death of Jayachand came from the
Gangetic valley to the sands of Marwar."
Though the word shelter is used here, yet it
has no connection with the Pratihars of Mandor.
Mr. Vaidya simply says that the Rathods took
shelter in Rajputana from the inroads and
invasions of the Turks and the Afghans, by
emigrating from Kanauj to Marwar. He
nowhere says that the Pratihars of Mandor
actually gave or promised to give the immi-
grant Rathods any protection or help. As a
matter of fact historical records show that
during a pilgrimage of Sihaji to Pushkar, the
inhabitants of Bhinmal and Pali asked Sihaji
to settle in Pali and protect them from the
Muslim raids from Sindh and Nagor. Later he
describes the rise and fall of the Pratihars of
Kanauj including the branch at Mandor,
but does not say when and in what way
15

Maharana Kumbha.
the Rathods treacherously supplanted the
Pratihars. No responsible historian has ever
asserted that the Rathods under Chonda or
someone else wrested Mandor from the
Pratihars by treachery. The fact is that the
Pratihars of Mandor had become very weak
by constant warfare, defending themselves
against the Mussalmans of Nagor on one side
and the Chauhans of Jalor on the other; and
when they found that they could no longer
stand these inroads, they allied themselves to
the rising Rathod Power led by the enterpris-
ing Chonda and very wisely handed over the
defence of their land to their relations, the
Rathods.
There was no question of treachery or
unfair dealing of any kind. On the contrary,
if the Pratihars had not entrusted the protec-
tion of Mandor to Rathod Chonda, the probabi-
lities are that Mandor would have fallen into
the hands of the Muslim rulers of Nagor.
Not only did Chonda consolidate his
kingdom, keeping off the Muslims of Nagor,
but succeeded eventually in subjugating them
and taking possession of their capital Nagor.
16

Maharana Kumbha.
Rao Chonda had 14 sons, the eldest
being Ran Mal. Chonda, however, was very
fond of his Mohil Queen, and wishing to give
the kingdom to her son Kānha, made his wish
known to Ran Mal. Ran Mal, to respect his
father's wishes, left Mandor ¹ with 500
horsemen and went to Chitor, where Maharana
Lakha bestowed a jagir of 40 villages on him.
Rao Chonda-died in A.D. 1410, and Kānha
succeeded him at Mandor.
Many years before his death, while
Maharana Lakha was still adorning the throne
of Mewar and embellishing the country, an
incident occurred, which, while it illustrates
the thoughtless character of the Rajput, gave
rise to an event which compromised the right
of primogeniture to the throne of Mewar,
and in the words of Colonel Tod, "proved
more disastrous in its consequences than the
arms of either Mughals or Mahrattas."
Lakha was advanced in years, and his
sons established in suitable domains, when
¹ Mehta Nainsi (Khyat, p. 23, Benares edition) says
that Rao Chonda at the request of his Mohil queen ordered
Ran Mal to go into exile and that several brave Rajputs
espoused his cause and went away with him to Chitor.
17

Maharana Kumbha.
the cocoanut came from the Rao of Mandawar
(Mandor) to affiance his daughter Hansbai,
Ran Mala's sister, to the heir of Mewar.
“When the embassy was announced, Ran Mal
was present in the Durbar; but Chonda, the
heir of Mewar, was absent, and the old chief
was seated in his chair of state surrounded by
his court. The messenger of hymen was
courteously received by Lakha, who observed
that Chonda would soon return and take the
gage ; “for,” added he, drawing his fingers
over his moustachios, “I donot suppose, you
send such playthings to an old grey-beard like
me.” This little sally was applauded and
repeated. Chonda offended at delicacy being
sacrificed to wit, declined to accept the symbol,
which his father had even in jest supposed
might be intended for himself.” ¹ Thinking
that his father still had a secret longing for
married life, Chonda made up his mind that
Lakha should himself accept the symbol.
He asked Ran Mal, who happened to be at
Chitor at the time, to invite him to a feast,
and there he insisted on Ran Mal agreeing
¹ Mehta Nainsi gives a slightly different account of this
incident; see his Khyat, p. 23.
18

Maharana Kumbha.
to give his sister to the Maharana before
joining his festive board. Ran Mal would not
agree to this and the night neared the morn
with the festive board still deserted.
Not knowing how else to get out of the
difficulty, Ran Mal hit on a proposal which
he thought would turn the tables on Chonda.
He suggested through Charan Chandan
Khadiya that Chonda should renounce his
right to the throne of Chitor in favour of
an issue of the Rana by Ran Mal's sister.
The magnanimous Chonda whose sole desire
was to gratify the supposed wish of his
father, unhesitatingly agreed to this. The
marriage was celebrated and Mokal was the
issue of this union.
When Mokal was still a minor, "Lakha
resolved to signalise his finale by a raid against
the enemies of his faith and to expel the
barbarian from the holy land of Gaya. When
war was made against their religion by the
Tatar proselytes of Islam, the Sutlaj and the
Caggar were as the banks of the Jordan—
Gaya, their Jerusalem, their holy land ; and
if the destiny filled his cup, the Hindu chieftain
19

Maharana Kumbha.
was secure of his beatitude (Moksha) and
borne from the scene of probation in celestial
cars by the Apsaras, was introduced at once
into the realm of the Sun. Ere, however, the
Rana of Chitor journeyed to this bourne,
he was desirous of leaving his throne un-
exposed to civil strife. The subject of
succession had never been renewed, but dis-
cussing with Chonda his warlike pilgrimage
to Gaya, from which he might not return, he
sounded him by asking what estates should
be settled on Mokal. The ‘Throne of Chitor’
was the honest reply ; and to set suspicions at
rest, he desired that the ceremony of installa-
tion should be performed previous to Lakha's
departure Chonda was the first to pay
homage and swear obedience and fidelity to
his future sovereign.¹
Lakha had the Holy-land freed ² from
the yoke of the Afghan but lost his life in
the enterprise. When news of this event
reached Chitor, Mokal’s mother prepared to
become Sati. Chonda appeared and dissuaded
¹ Tod's Rajasthan, Vol. I, p. 277.
² The Kirtisthambha Inscription, V. 31 simply says that
the Maharana liberated Gaya from Muslim tax.
20