गुप्त अभिलेख संग्रह (जे. एफ. फ्लीट - गुप्त सम्राटों एवं परवर्ती नरेशों के ऐतिहासिक पाषाण व ताम्रलेख)

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 1, PLATE I. 17
Bhaṭṭâraka,¹ (and) whose mind is expanded by the favour of constantly walking about
in (his) presence,—let it be for the welfare and happiness of all existing beings!
(L. 33.)—And the accomplishment of the matter has been effected by the
Mahâdaṇḍanâyaka Tilabhaṭṭaka, who meditates on the feet² of the Parama-
bhaṭṭâraka.³
¹ It is somewhat doubtful whether this title here denotes Samudragupta, or his successor; but
on the whole, êshâm, 'these,' being used, not têshâm, 'those,' the passage seems to have a strictly
present sense, and to refer to Chandragupta II.; contrast tasya, 'of him, of that one,' which is used
to denote Samudragupta in line 17 above, but which I have had, for convenience, to render in the
translation by the relative pronoun.—Bhaṭṭâraka, lit. 'one who is entitled to reverence or homage,'
is another technical kingly title. In somewhat later times, it seems to have belonged properly
to feudatory Mahârâjas; thus, it is coupled with the name of the Mahârâja Śivadêva I. in
two of the Nêpâl inscriptions (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 168, No. 5, line 2, and Vol. XIV. p. 98,
line 2), and with the name of the Mahârâja Dhruvadêva in the same series (id. Vol. IX. p. 173.
No. 10, line 4, where the syllables mahâ, at the end of the line, are omitted in the published text).
So, also, we find the feminine form, Bhaṭṭârikâ, used as the termination of the names of wives of
Mahârâjas; e.g. in line 3 ff. of the Asîrgaḍh seal of Śarvavarman, No. 47 below, Plate xxxA., and in
line 4 of the Nirmand grant of the Mahârâja and Mahâsâmanta Samudrasêna, No. 80 below, Plate
xliv.—As applied to paramount sovereigns, the fuller and more usual title is Paramabhaṭṭâraka, as
in line 33 of this inscription (see also page 10 above, note 3). But other instances occur in
which the shorter title is used; e.g. in line 6 of No. 9 of the Nêpâl inscriptions (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX.
p. 172), Aṁśuvarman has the titles of Bhaṭṭâraka and Mahârâjâdhirâja; in line 17 ff. of the
Wokkalêri grant of Kîrttivarman II. (id. Vol. VIII. p. 26 f.), the Western Chalukya kings
Vikramâditya I. and his successors, down to Kîrttivarman II., all have the titles of Mahârâjâdhirâja,
Paramêśvara, and Bhaṭṭâraka. And we have the same title in Old-Kanarese inscriptions, in the ab-
breviated, or perhaps original, forms of Bhaṭâra and Bhaṭṭâra; e.g. in line 2 f. of the Mahâkûṭa
inscription of the Western Chalukya king Vijayâditya (id. Vol. X. p. 103), in which he has the titles
of Mahârâjâdhirâja, Paramêśvara, and Bhaṭâra; and in line 2 of the Paṭṭadakal inscription of the
Râshṭrakûṭa king Dhruva (id. Vol. XI. p. 124), in which he has the titles of Mahârâjâdhirâja,
Paramêśvara, and Bhaṭṭâra.—In the sense of 'reverend,' bhaṭṭâraka was also a priestly title; e.g. it
is applied to the Jain priest Kumudachandra, in line 2 of the Nêsargi inscription (id. Vol. X. p. 189,
note 16).—And, in the sense of 'worthy of worship; sacred,' it was also applied to gods; e.g. to
Paśupati (Śiva), in line 1 of No. 6 of the Nêpâl inscriptions (id. Vol. IX. p. 169); to the Sun, in line 15
of the Khôh grant of the Mahârâja Śarvanâtha, No. 28 below, Plate xviii.; and to Varuṇavâsin (the
Sun), in line 13 of the Dêô-Baraṇârk inscription of Jîvitagupta II., No. 46 below, Plate xxixB.
² pâd-ânudhyâta.—This is a customary technical term, used of the relations between a para-
mount sovereign and his feudatory chieftains, officials, &c.; e.g. in the Udayagiri cave inscription
No. 3 below, Plate iiB., the Mahârâja, who makes the gift, is described as meditating on the feet of
Chandragupta II.—It is also applied to the relations between parents and their children; e.g. in line
18 of the Râjîm grant, No. 81 below, Plate xlv., the Râja Tîvaradêva is described as meditating on
the feet of his mother and father. It is also used in connection with kingly successions, whether the
natural relationship is that of fathers and sons, or of elder and younger brothers; e.g. throughout the
Kârîtalât grant of the Mahârâja Jayanâtha, No. 26 below, Plate xvi.; and in lines 0 and 8 of the grant
of the Mahârâja Vinâyakapâla (Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. pp. 140, 141), who is described as meditating on
the feet of his father, Mahêndrapâla, and of his elder brother, Bhôja II. And it is also used in respect
of the worship of gods; e.g. in line 3 of the grant of the Eastern Chalukya king Amma II. (Ind. Ant.
Vol. XIII. p. 249), the Chalukyas are described as meditating on the feet of the god Svâmi-Mahâ-
sêna.—In one solitary instance, line 33 f. of the Khârêpâṭaṇ grant of Śaka-Saṁvat 930 (Jour. Bo.
Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. I. p. 218), anudhyâta occurs without pâda preceding it, and the Śilâhâra chieftain
Raṭṭarâja is described as śrî-Satyâśrayadêv-ânudhyâta, "meditating on the glorious (king) Satyâśraya."
But the omission of pâda here is probably due only to carelessness on the part of the drafter of the
record.
³ i.e. Chandragupta II.—Paramabhaṭṭâraka, lit. 'one who is supremely entitled to reverence
or homage,' is one of the technical titles indicative of supreme sovereignty (see page 10 above, note 3).—
I have found one instance in which it is also used as a priestly title, in line 43 of an inscription of
Śaka-Saṁvat 1172 at Mamdâpur in the Belgaum District (Indian Inscriptions, No. 1), where it is
applied to a Śaiva priest named Vimalaśiva or Vimalaśambhu.—The feminine form, Parama-
bhaṭṭârikâ, was one of the titles of the wives of paramount sovereigns; e.g. in the Mandâr Hill
inscriptions of Âdityasêna, Nos. 44 and 45 below.
D.

18 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III
No. 2; PLATE IIA.
ERAN STONE INSCRIPTION OF SAMUDRAGUPTA.
THIS inscription, which has not been previously edited, was discovered in 1874-75 or
1876-77 by General Alexander Cunningham, R.E., C.S.I., C.I.E., then Director-General of
the Archæological Survey of India, and was first brought to notice by him in 1880, in the
Reports of the Archæological Survey of India, Vol. X. p. 89.
Êraṇ,¹ the ancient Airikiṇa,² is a village on the left bank of the Bînâ, eleven miles
to the west by north from Khurâî,³ the chief town of the Khurâî Tahsîl or Sub-Division of
the Sâgar⁴ District in the Central Provinces. The inscription is on a red-sandstone squared
block, that was found a short distance to the west of the well-known ruined temple of the
Boar,⁵ at which there is the inscription of Tôramâṇa, No. 36 below. The original stone is
now in the Imperial Museum at Calcutta.
The writing, which covers the entire front of the stone, about 9½″ broad by 3′ 1″
high, is in a state of fairly good preservation ; but it does not give a very clear lithograph,
in consequence of the whole surface of the stone being full of holes more or less large.
It is only a fragment ; six entire lines, as shewn by the numbering of the verses, have
been broken away and lost at the top of the stone, and an indefinite number at the bottom;
and also an entire pâda of each successive verse, has been broken away and lost
at the commencement of lines 25 ff. In addition to this, from one to three letters have
been destroyed at the commencement of each extant line, as far as line 24, by whetting
tools on the edge of the stone. As far as line 24, each line contains one pâda of a verse;
but the following lines contained originally two pâdas each ; this shews that the inscrip-
tion was of an irregular shape, with probably some sculptures on the proper right side of
the stone above the first halves of lines 24 ff.—The average size of the letters is about ½″.
As is indicated especially by the form of m, the characters belong to the southern class of
alphabets ; and I should be inclined to name them a variety, with southern characteristics,
of the Central India alphabet of the period. The particular type used in this inscription
is further represented in the present volume by the Udayagiri cave inscription of Chandra-
gupta II. of the year 82, No. 3 below, Plate iiB.; the Âraṅg plates of Mahâ-Jayarâja, No.
¹ The 'Airan, Ehrin, Eran, and Erun,' of maps, &c. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 52. Lat. 24° 5′ N.;
Long. 78° 15′ E.—The name is now written and pronounced both Eraṇ and Êraṇ ; but, as is shewn
by the ancient name, Airikiṇa, the first form, with the lingual ṇ, is the correct one.—The name is not
unique; for the maps shew another 'Eran' seven miles almost due west of Bhêlsâ, and another
thirteen miles to the north-east of Bhêlsâ.
² So far as the passage in line 25 of the present inscription goes, we might take this name as
either Airikiṇa or Êrikiṇa, in consequence of the euphonic absorption of the final a of vishaya. But
the real form of the name is shewn by line 7 of the Boar inscription of Tôramâṇa, No. 36 below,
Plate xxiiiA., where we have vishayê=sminn=Airikiṇê, without any saṁdhi or joining of vowels.—
The autonomous copper coins of the Aśôka period, found at Êraṇ, give us an earlier Pâli or
Prâkṛit form of the name, which is either Erakaña or Erakaṇa ; but the last syllable is not very dis-
tinct in the specimens available for examination (Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. XIV. p. 149, and Plate
xxxi. Nos. 17 and 18.)
³ The 'Khorye, Khurai, Korai, Kurai, and Kurâi,' of maps, &c.
⁴ The 'Ságar and Saugor' of maps, &c.
⁵ Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. Plates xxvA. and xxviA.

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 2, PLATE II A. 19
40, Plate xxvi.; the Râypur plates of Mahâ-Sudêvarâja, No 41, Plate xxvii.; the Vâkâṭaka
inscriptions, Nos. 53 to 56, Plates xxxiii. xxxiv. and xxxv.; and the Râjim plates of Tîvara
dêva, No. 81, Plate xlv. The chief characteristic of it is the peculiar 'box-headed' tops
of the letters, formed by sinking four short strokes in the shape of a square and leaving a
block of stone or copper in the centre of them. We have a variation of this characteris-
tic, represented in this volume by the Majhgawâṁ plates of the Mahârâja Hastin of the
year 191, No. 23, Plate xiv., in which the tops of the letters, instead of being 'box-headed'
or square, are 'nail-headed' or triangular, with the apex of the triangle downwards.¹ And
the present inscription contains a mixture of both types; the 'nail-headed' tops can be seen
in, for instance, prithu-râghav-âdyâḥ, line 8, and samudraguptaḥ, line 10; and the 'box-
headed' tops in, for instance, bahu-putra-pautra, line 19, and samara-karmma parâkkram-
êddhaṁ, line 21. Owing to the nature of the substance worked on, in the case of inscrip-
tions on stone, except those on a large scale, these centre blocks would obviously be very
liable to injury; in the actual process of engraving, as well as from the wear and tear of
time. The result is that, though these two characteristics of this alphabet are usually
very well preserved and are very recognisable in the copper-plates, in the stone
inscriptions they are preserved, so as to be clearly recognised in this series of Plates, only
in the large-scale Nachnê-kî-talâî inscriptions of the Mahârâja Prithivishêṇa, Nos. 53
and 54, Plate xxxiiiA. and B. In the present inscription I cannot find a single instance
in which there is enough left of the triangular or the square centres of the tops of the
letters, to shew distinctly in the lithograph. It is, in fact, quite possible that, in inscrip-
tions of this scale on stone, the engraver was not very particular about leaving the centre-
blocks at all; an indifference about this is certainly observable even in the Chammak
plates of the Mahârâja Pravarasêna II., No. 55, Plate xxxiv., through nearly the whole
of which the tops of the letters were scooped out hollow, without any centre-blocks at all.
The characters include, in the numbering of the verses, forms of the numerical symbols
for 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7.—The language is Saṅskṛit; and the inscription is in verse through-
out.—In respect of orthography, the only points that call for notice are (1) the use of
the guttural nasal, instead of the anusvâra, before h, in paribriṅhaṇa, line 26; and (2)
the doubling of k and dh, in conjunction with a following r, in vikkrama, line 1, and
parâkkrama, lines 17 and 21; and in ddhrutam, line 12.
The inscription is one of the Early Gupta king Samudragupta, whose name
is recorded in line 10. From the occurrence of the word babhûva in line 9, the first part
of the inscription probably mentioned some of his ancestors. But, that the inscription did
not extend to the time of any of his successors, is shewn by the fact that none of their
names can be fitted into any of the places where letters are illegible in lines 11 to 24;
consequently, the prowess, &c., described in these lines are those of Samudragupta; and
this description is immediately followed by the mention of the erection, at the city of
Airikiṇa, i.e. Êraṇ, of something or other of which the stone was either a portion or the
separate record. The lacunæ here leave us without any clue as to what was erected, and
in connection with what form of religion. But, judging from its shape and appearance,
¹ Mr. C. Bendall has obtained two specimens of triangular-headed characters, one of them in
Nêpâl, in which, differing from the present forms, the apex of the triangle is placed uppermost; see
his Journey in Nêpâl, p. 54 f. He appears to have named them 'point-headed' or 'arrow-headed'
characters.—Quite recently, Mr. J. Robinson, C.E., of Gayâ, has sent me, for examination, another
very interesting specimen of a variety of the same characters in an inscription on the bottom plate
of a brass image of Buddha.
D 2.

20 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
the stone is part of a temple. And General Cunningham has suggested that, if it was
attached to any of the existing ruins, it belonged most probably to the temple with a
colossal figure of Vishṇu,¹ immediately on the north of the temple of the Boar. The date
of the inscription, if any was recorded, is broken away and lost.
TEXT.²
*(Lines 1 to 6, containing the whole of the first verse and the*
*first half of the second, are entirely broken away and lost.)*
7 [---³ ᴗᴗ ᴗ--] suvarṇṇa-dânê
8 [--]ritâ nṛipatayaḥ Pṛithu-Râghav-âdyâḥ [॥*] 2
9 [--] babhûva Dhanad-Ântaka-tushṭi-kôpa-tulyaḥ⁴
10 [ᴗ-ᴗ]ma-nayêna Samudraguptaḥ [। *]
11 [--]pya pârtthiva-gaṇaḥ=sakalaḥ pṛithivyâm
[L14

CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM.
Vol. III
A.—Eran Inscription of Samudragupta.
Plate ii
B.—Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Chandragupta II.—The Year 82.
SCALE .33

Plate Headers and Inscriptions

A. Eran Stone Inscription of Samudragupta (Lines 7–26)

[Line 7] . . . . . . . . . . . . [य]स्य पौरुष-पराक्रम-दत्त-शुल्का
[Line 8] . . . . . . . . . . . . [ह]स्त्य्-अश्व-रत्न-धन-धान्य-समृद्धि-युक्ता
[Line 9] . . . . . . . . . . . . [गृ]हेषु मुदिता बहु-पुत्र-पौत्र-
[Line 10] . . . . . . . . . . . . [सं]क्रामिणी कुल-वधूर् विनिपातयन्ती ॥
[Line 11] . . . . . . . . . . . . [य]स्यापरार्ध्य-विभवे विभव-प्रभावे
[Line 12] . . . . . . . . . . . . [स]म्प्रीति-विस्मय-हर्ष-भरोद्भवैश्च
[Line 13] . . . . . . . . . . . . [सं]भावितः स नृपतिः पृथु-राघव-कल्पः
[Line 14] . . . . . . . . . . . . [स]मरे समुद्रगुप्तः ॥
[Line 15] . . . . . . . . . . . . [ता]तेन यः सुचरिताभिनिवेश-योग्यान्
[Line 16] . . . . . . . . . . . . [पु]त्रांश्च वीक्ष्य बहुशः कुल-धर्म-वृद्ध्या
[Line 17] . . . . . . . . . . . . [ब]भूव धनद-तुष्टि-कोप-तुल्यः
[Line 18] . . . . . . . . . . . . [स]मरे समुद्रगुप्तः ॥
[Line 19] . . . . . . . . . . . . [ये]नाखिलं कुल-यशः प्रवितानवद्भिः
[Line 20] . . . . . . . . . . . . [स्वै]र् बाहु-विक्रम-जितावनिपैर् यशोभिः
[Line 21] . . . . . . . . . . . . [आ]पूरितं त्रिभुवनं चरितैश्च पुण्यैः
[Line 22] . . . . . . . . . . . . [रा]ज्ञा यशः-परिकरः प्रथितावदातः ॥
[Line 23] . . . . . . . . . . . . [स्व]-भोग-नगरे ऐरिकिणे बभूव
[Line 24] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
[Line 25] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
[Line 26] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

B. Udayagiri Cave Inscription of Chandragupta II (Gupta Year 82)

[Line 1] सिद्धम् [॥] दन्त-घटित-द्वि-जालक-विमुक्ते
[Line 2] गुप्त-कुलाव्ययोदित-महिम्नः
[Line 3] परमाद्भूतस्य राज्ञां राज्ञः
[Line 4] श्री-चन्द्रगुप्तस्य पादानुध्यातो
[Line 5] महाराज-च्छगल-पौत्रस्य महाराज-विष्णुदास-पुत्रस्य
[Line 6] सनकानीकस्य महाराज-वोढस्यायं देय-धर्मः
[Line 7] संवत्सरे ८० २ आषाढ-मास-शुक्ल-एकादश्याम् [॥]

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THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 3, PLATE II B. 21
(L. 9.)— . . . . . . . . there was Samudragupta, equal to (the gods) Dhanada and
Antaka in (respectively) pleasure and anger;¹ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . by policy; (and) [by
whom] the whole tribe of kings upon the earth was [overthrown] and reduced to the loss
of the wealth of their sovereignty ;—
(L. 13)—[Who], by . . . . . . . . satisfied by devotion and policy and valour,—by the
glories, consisting of the consecration by besprinkling, &c., that belong to the title of
‘king,’—(and) by . . . . . . . . . combined with supreme satisfaction,— . . . . . . . . . .
(was) a king whose vigour could not be resisted ;—
(L. 17.)—[By whom] there was married a virtuous and faithful wife,² whose dower
was provided by (his) manliness and prowess; who was possessed of an abundance of
[elephants] and horses and money and grain; who delighted in the houses of . . . . ;
(and) who went about in the company of many sons and sons’ sons ;—
(L. 21.)—Whose deeds in battle (are) kindled with prowess; (whose) . . . . . very
mighty fame is always circling round about; and whose enemies are terrified, when they
think, even in the intervals of dreaming, of (his) . . . . . . . . . that are vigorous in
war ;—
(L. 25.)— . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . in a place in Airikiṇa,³ the city of his own
enjoyment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . has been set up, for the sake of augmenting his own
fame
(L. 27.)— . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . when the king said . . . . . . .
(The rest of the inscription is entirely
broken away and lost.)
No. 3; PLATE II B.
UDAYAGIRI CAVE INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II.
THE YEAR 82.
THIS inscription appears to have been first brought to notice in 1854 by General
Cunningham, in his Bhilsa Topes, p. 150 f., where he published his reading of the text,
and a translation of it, accompanied by a lithograph (id. Plate xxi. No. 200).—In 1858, in
his edition of Prinsep's Essays, Vol. I. p. 246 f. note 4, Mr. Thomas published his own
reading of the text, accompanied by a translation by Professor H. H. Wilson.—And, finally,
in 1880, in the Archaeol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. p. 50, General Cunningham published his revised
reading of the text, and a revised translation of it, accompanied by a fresh lithograph
(id. Plate xix.)
¹ Compare the customary expression, “equal to (the gods) Dhanada and Varuṇa and Indra and
Antaka,” in line 26 of No. 1 above, page 8. See also page 14 above, note 4.
² Samudragupta's wife was Dattadēvī; but the metre prevents her having been mentioned by
name in this verse.
³ See page 18 above, note 2.
⁴ The lacunæ in this verse render it impossible to say whether here, and below, sva, ‘his own,
refers to Samudragupta, or to some feudatory of his, who may have been mentioned here.

22 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. VOL. III.
Udayagiri¹ is a well-known hill, with a small village of the same name on the eastern
side of it, about two miles to the north-west of Bhêlsâ,² the chief town of the Bhêlsâ
Tahsîl or Sub-Division of the Îsâgaḍh³ District in the dominions of Scindia (properly
Śindê) in Central India. On the eastern side of the hill, a little to the south of the village,
and almost on the level of the ground, there is a cave-temple, which, from its containing
this inscription, General Cunningham has named "the Chandragupta Cave."⁴ The in-
scription is on the upper part of a smoothed and countersunk panel, about 2' 4½" broad by
1' 6" high, over two figures,—one of the four-armed god Vishṇu, attended by his two
wives ; and one of a twelve-armed goddess, who must be some form of Lakshmî, the con-
sort of Vishṇu, rather than, as suggested by General Cunningham, Mahishâsurî, i.e.
Durgâ, the consort of Śiva,—which are sculptured on the face of the rock, outside the cave
and a few feet to the north of the entrance to it.
The writing, which covers a space of about 2' 3½" broad by 4¾" high, is in a state of
fairly good preservation ; the surface of the rock has peeled off in some places ; but no
letters are entirely destroyed, except the g of chandragupta in line 1, and, in line 2, the
first akshara of the name of the Mahârâja whose gift is recorded.—The average size of
the letters is about ⅝". The characters belong to the southern class of alphabets, and
give another specimen of the 'box-headed' variety, peculiar to Central India, which I have
commented on at page 18 f. above ; but in this inscription, again, there are no instances in
which enough remains of the square centre of the tops of the letters to shew distinctly in
the lithograph. In âshâḍha, line 1, they include an adaptation from the northern alpha-
bets ; viz. the separate sign for the lingual ḍh, which, in the early southern alphabets, was
represented, together with its unaspirated form ḍ, by the same character as the dental d.
They also include, in line 1, forms of the numerical symbols for 2 and 80.—The lan-
guage is Sanskrit ; and the inscription is in prose.—In respect of orthography, the
only point that calls for notice, is the doubling of dh in conjunction with a following y, in
anuddhyâta, line 1.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Early Gupta king Chandra-
gupta II. It is dated, partly in numerical symbols and partly in words, in the year⁵
¹ The 'Udaygiri and Udegiri' of maps, &c. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 53. Lat. 23° 32' N.; Long.
77° 50' E.
² The 'Bhilsa and Bhelsa' of maps, &c.
³ The 'Isagarh' of maps.
⁴ Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. X. p. 49 ff. and Plates xvi. and xvii.
⁵ Whether "current" or "expired," is not specifically stated. But the locative case is used ;
and, there being no word signifying "expired" in apposition with it, the natural sense of it is "in
the year eighty-two," i. e. "while the year eighty-two is current."—It is often asserted that the ancient
Hindus always expressed their dates in expired years. And, according to this, we should understand
atîtê, 'having gone by, having passed by,' or any similar word, in apposition with saṁvatsarê
in the present passage, and translate accordingly.—No doubt, in making calculations, the Hindus
worked, as Europeans must work, with the number of expired years as a basis. But this is quite
a different question from that of their method of expressing the dates ; as, also, is the question
whether they did not sometimes by mistake quote years as current which were really expired, and
the reverse, and even occasionally quote, as current, or even as expired, years that were still to come.
And, as a very clear and pointed instance of the record of a date in current years, we have the Gwâlior
Sâsbahû temple inscription of Mahîpâla, dated Vikrama-Saṁvat 1150, which gives (Ind. Ant. Vol.
XV. p. 41 ; vv. 107, 108 ; l. 40) first, in words, the number of years expired, and then, partially

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 3, PLATE II B. 23
eighty-two (A.D. 401-2), and on the eleventh lunar day of the bright fortnight of the
month Âshâḍha (June-July). The cave appears to be a Vaishṇava cave; and this must,
therefore, be a Vaishṇava inscription. And the object of it is to record the gift or dedi-
in words and fully in figures, the number of the current year,—Êkâdaśasv=atîtêshu saṁvatsara-
śatêshu cha l êk-ôna-pañchâśati cha gatêshv=abdêshu Vikramât || Pañchâśê ch=Âśvinê mâsê kṛishṇa-
pakshê nṛip-âjñayâ | rachitâ Maṇikaṇṭhêna praśastir=iyam=ujjvalâ || Aṅkatô=pi 1150 ||
Âśvina-bahula-pañchamyâm,—"and when eleven centuries of years had passed by, and (in addition)
fifty years, less by one, had gone, from (the time of) Vikrama; and in the fiftieth (year); in the
month Âśvina; in the dark fortnight; by order of the king, this brilliant eulogy was composed by
Maṇikaṇṭha; or, in figures, (in the year) 1150, on the fifth lunar day of the dark fortnight of
Âśvina."—Excluding special and capricious instances, the inscriptions disclose the following general
and systematic constructions in the expression of dates.—(1) The use of the nominative singular or
plural, unaccompanied by any verb or participle. Instances of this are somewhat rare. But I can
quote (a) the Mathurâ image inscription (No. 70 below, Pl. xlD. l. 2), saṁvatsaraḥ 200 30; (b) the
Goa grant of Satyâśraya-Dhruvarâja-Indravarman (Jour. Bo. Br. R. As. Soc. Vol. X. p. 365,
l. 17 ff.), pravardhamâna-vijaya-râjya-saṁvatsaraṁ viṁśatitamaṁ Śaka-kâlaḥ=pañcha varsha-śatâni
dvitriṁśâni; (c) the Dighwâ-Dubaulî grant of the Mahârâja Mahêndrapâla (Ind. Ant. Vol. XV.
p. 113, l. 4), saṁvatsrâ (i.e. saṁvatsarâḥ) 100 50 5 Mâgha śu °li ° (d) the Bengal Asiatic Society's
grant of the Mahârâja Vinâyakapâla (id. Vol. XV. p. 141, l. 17), saṁvatsrô (i.e saṁvatsarô, for either
saṁvatsaraḥ or saṁvatsarâḥ) 100 80 8 Phâlguna ba di 9; and (e) the second date in the 'Deogarh'
inscription of Bhôjadêva of Gwâlior, dated Vikrama-Saṁvat 919 and Śaka-Saṁvat 784 (Archæol. Surv.
Ind. Vol. X. p. 101, and Pl. xxxiii. No. 2, l. 10), Śaka-kâl-âbda-sapta-śatâni chatur-aśîty-adhikâni 784.
And, for early times, we may compare, though they relate to years of government, instead of eras,
(f) the nominative in the Banawâsi Prâkṛit inscription of Hârîtîputra-Śâtakarṇi (Ind. Ant. Vol. XIV.
p. 333, l. 1), rañô Hâritîputasa ...... Sâtakaṁṇisa ...... savachharaṁ 10 2 Hêmaṁtâna
pakhô 7 divasa 1; (g) the nominative in the Râjim grant of the Râja Tîvaradêva (No. 81 below, Pl.
xlv. l. 35 f.) pravardhamâna-vijaya-râjya-saṁvatsaru 9 Kârttika divasu ashṭamu 8; and the
crude form in (h) the Âraṅg grant of the Râja Mahâ-Jayarâja (No. 40 below, Pl. xxvi. l. 24),
pravardhamâna-vijaya-saṁvatsara 5 Mârgaśira 20 5, and (i) the Râypur grant of the Râja Mahâ-
Sudêvarâja (No. 41 below, Pl. xxvii. l. 27), pravardhamâna-vijaya-saṁvatsara 10 Mâgha 9. Compare
also, for later times, the crude form in (j) the 'Dewal' inscription of Lalla of the Chhinda family
(Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. I. Pl. li. l. 24), saṁvatsara-sahasra 1049 Mâgha ba di 3 Gurudinê; in (k) a
Kôlâpur inscription of Siṅghaṇa II. (Indian Inscriptions, No. 47, l. 1 f.), Śrî-Śaka 1157 Manmatha-
saṁvatsarê Śrâvaṇa bahula 30 Gurau; and in numerous other instances.—(2) The use of the
nominative singular or plural, in apposition with an ordinal adjective, which, again, usually qualifies
the nâme of the saṁvatsara, of the sixty-years cycle, in the genitive case. This is a Drâviḍian
method, in constant use in Southern India. As typical and leading instances, I will quote, in re-
spect of the nominative singular, (a) a Baḷagâṁve inscription of Bijjala (Pâli, Sanskrit, and Old-
Kanarese Inscriptions, No. 183, l. 62), Śaka-varsham 1080neya Bahudhânya-saṁvatsarada Pushyada
puṇṇami Sômavârav=uttarâyaṇasaṁkrânti-vyatîpâta-sômagrahaṇad-andu; and, to illustrate a numer-
ous class of instances in which the crude form is used to represent the nominative singular, (b) a Baḷa-
gâṁve inscription of Sômêśvara II. (Ind. Ant. Vol. IV. p. 209, l. 30 ff.), Śaka-varsha 997neya
Râkshasa-saṁvatsarada Pushya śuddha 1 Sômavârad-andin=uttarâyaṇasaṁkrânti-parva-nimittadiṁ;
and, in respect of the nominative plural, (c) the grant of Gôvinda III. (id. Vol. XI. p. 126, l. 1 ff.),
Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śataṅgaḷ=êḷ-nûṟ-irpatt-âṟaneyâ Subhânu embâ varshadd Vaiśâ-
khamâsa-kṛishṇapaksha-pañchamî Brihaspativâram=âgi, and (d) the Adaraguñchi inscription of Koṭ-
ṭiga or Khoṭṭiga (id. Vol. XII. p. 256, l. 7 ff.), Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śataṅgaḷ=eṇṭu nûṟa
tombhatta-mûṟaneya Prajâpati-saṁvatsaraṁ saluttam-ire tad-varsh-âbhyantarad=Âśvayujad=ama-
vâse Âdityavâra sûrya-grahaṇa.—(3) The use of the locative singular or plural, with the corresponding
locative, in apposition, of atikrânta, atîta, gata, nivṛitta, prayâta, samatîta, vyatîta, yâta, or
any similar word, signifying 'elapsed, or gone by.' Thus, in respect of the locative singular, (a)
the first date of the Mandasôr inscription of Kumâragupta and Bandhuvarman (No. 18 below, Pl. xi.
l. 19), Mâlavânâṁ gaṇa-sthityâ yâtê śata-chatushṭayê | tri-navaty-adhikê=bdânâm=ritau sêvya-
ghana-stanê || Sahasya-mâsa-śuklasya praśastê=hni trayôdaśê; and (b) the Sâmâṅgaḍ grant of

24 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
cation,—by a mahârâja of the Sanakânika¹ tribe or family, who was a feudatory of
Chandragupta II., but whose name, in line 2, is now illegible,—of, evidently, the two
groups of sculptures above which it is engraved.
Dantidurga (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 112, l. 30 f.), pañcha-saptaty-adhika-Śakakâla-saṁvatsara-śata-
shaṭkê vyatîtê saṁvat 675 pai(?pô or pau)hachchhikâyâ Mâgha-mâsa-ratha-saptamyâṁ tulâ-purusha-
sthitê. And, in respect of the locative plural, (c) the Bâdâmi cave inscription of Maṅgalîśa (Ind.
Ant. Vol. VI. p. 363, ll. 6 f., 11), Śaka-nṛipati-râjyâbhishêka-saṁvatsarêshv=atikrântêshu pañchasu
śatêshu . . . . . mahâ-Kârttika-paurṇamâsyâm; (d) the Harihar grant of Vinayâditya (id. Vol. VII.
p. 302, l. 23 ff.), shôḍaś-ôttara-shaṭ-chhatêshu Śaka-varshêshv=atîtêshu pravardhamâna-vijaya-râjya-
saṁvatsarê chaturdaśê vartamânê . . . . . Kârttika-paurṇamâsyâṁ; and (e) the Kauṭhêm grant of Vi-
kramâditya V. (id. Vol. XVI. p. 24, l. 61 f.), Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śatêshu navasu triṁśad-
adhikêshu gatêshu 930 pravartamâna-Saumya-saṁvatsarê paurṇamâsyâṁ sômagrahaṇa-parvaṇi.—
(4) The use, as in the present instance, of the simple locative single or plural, without any participle
signifying 'elapsed or gone by,' in apposition. Thus, in respect of the locative singular, (a) the
Gûnda inscription of the Kshatrapa Rudrasiṁha (Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 157, l. 3), varshê dvy-uttara-
śatê saṁ 200 2 Vaiśâkha-śuddha-pañchamî-Dhanya-tithau Śravaṇa-nakshatra-muhûrtê; (b) a
Mathurâ inscription of Vâsudêva (Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. III. p. 35, and Pl. xv. No. 20, l. 1),
saṁvatsarê 90 8 Varshâ-mâsê 4 dva sê 10; (c) the Majhgawâṁ grant of the Mahârâja Hastin (No. 23
below, Pl. xiv. l. 1 f.), êka-navaty-uttarê=bda-śatê Gupta-nṛipa-râjya-bhuktau śrîmati pravardhamâna-
MahâChaitra-saṁvatsarê Mâghamâsa-bahulapaksha-tṛitîyâyâm; and (d) the Alînâ grant of Śîlâditya
VII. (No. 39 below, Plate xxv. l. 77 f.), saṁvatsara-śata-chatushṭayê sapta-chatvâriṁśad-adhikê
Jyêshṭha-śuddha-pañchamyâṁ aṅkataḥ saṁvat 400 40 7 Jyêshṭha śu 5. And, in respect of the loca-
tive plural, (e) the Waṇî grant of Gôvinda III. (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 159, l. 46 f.), Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-
âtîta-saṁvatsara-śatêshu saptasu triṁśad-adhikêshu Vyaya-saṁvatsarê Vaiśâkha-sita-paurṇamâsî-
sômagrahaṇa-mahâparvaṇi; and (f) the Pâṭan grant of Bhîma II. (id. Vol. XI. p. 71, l. 17 ff.), śrîmad-
Vikramâdity-ôtpâdita-saṁvatsara-śatêshu dvâdaśasu shaṭ-pañchâśad-uttarêshu Bhâdrapadamâsa-
kṛishṇapaksh-âmâvâsyâyâṁ Bhaumavârê=tr=âṅkatô=pi saṁvat 1256 laukika Bhâdrapada ba di 15
Bhaumê.—And (5) the use of the abbreviations saṁ and saṁvat, standing alone, and not explained
by a full record in words as they are in instances (3, b) and (4, a, d, f) above. This method, however,
throws no light on the question now under discussion; and the use of these abbreviations will form the
subject of a separate note.—Now, in the cases illustrated by the examples given under (2) above, it can
hardly be disputed that current years are intended; the very construction,—e.g. in (2, a) "Monday,
the full-moon day of (the month) Pushya of the Bahudhânya saṁvatsara, (which is) the 1080th Śaka
year,"—prevents any other interpretation. And, in the examples given under (1), it is difficult to see
how, without imagining an elliptical construction for which no actual example can be quoted as an
authority, the nominative case could be used to denote any but the current year. With these ex-
amples, and the plain record of the Gwâlior inscription, before us, when we find that in a certain class
of instances (3, a to e) the locative case is uniformly coupled with a word distinctly meaning 'expired
or gone by' in apposition, whereas in another class of instances (4, a to f) any such word is as uni-
formly omitted, there is nothing to prevent our giving, but on the contrary every reason to induce us
to give, to the simple locative, in the last class of instances, its natural and ordinary meaning of "in
such and such a year," i.e. "while such and such a year is current." This is the meaning that is
always given to the simple locative in a regnal date; thus, in a Nâsik inscription (Archæol. Surv.
West. Ind. Vol. IV. pp. 108, l. 1, 109),—siri-Puḷumâyisa saṁvachharê êkunavîsê 19,—"in the nine-
teenth (19) year of the illustrious Puḷumâyi." It has never been attempted to maintain that, in such
a record as this, the text means "the nineteenth year having expired." And there is no reason why
any such forced interpretation should be put on the simple locative expressing the number of years
of an era; especially when we bear in mind that almost every era owes its origin to only an exten-
sion of regnal dates, and that the system of expired years can only have been devised when a con-
siderable advance had been made in astronomical science.
¹ In the fourth syllable, the vowel here is the short i; but in the same word in the Allâhâbâd
pillar inscription, No. 1 above, line 22, page 8, it is long.

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 4, PLATE III A. 25
TEXT.¹
1 Siddham || Saṁvatsarê 80 2 Âshâḍha-mâsa-śukl-ê(ai)kâdaśyâm |
paramabhaṭṭâraka-mahârâjâdhi²-śrî-Chandra[g]upta-pâd-ânuddhyâtasya |³
2 mahârâja-Chhagalaga-pautrasya mahârâja-Vishṇudâsa-putrasya Sanakâ-
nikasya mahâr[âja]- . . ḍha(?)lasy=âyaṁ dêya-dharmmaḥ ||
TRANSLATION.
Perfection has been attained !⁴ In the year 80 (and) 2, on the eleventh lunar day of
the bright fortnight of the month Âshâḍha,—this (is) the appropriate religious gift⁵
of the Sanakânika,⁶ the Mahârâja . . ḍhala (?),—the son's son of the Mahârâja
Chhagalaga; (and) the son of the Mahârâja Vishṇudâsa,—who meditates on the feet
of the Paramabhaṭṭâraka and Mahârâjâdhirâja, the glorious Chandragupta (II.)
No. 4; PLATE III A.
MATHURA STONE INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II.
THIS inscription, which has not been previously edited in full, was discovered in 1853
by General Cunningham, and was first brought to notice by him in his first Archæo-
¹ From the original stone.
² Read mahârâjâdhirâja.—With the reading of this inscription, which may perhaps be, not an
omission by the engraver, but a conventional abbreviation of the full title, we may compare maraja-
Sha, i. e. mahârâjâdhi, for mahârâjâdhirâja, on one of the silver coins of Skandagupta (Ind. Ant.
Vol. XIV. p. 66 f.)
³ This mark of punctuation is unnecessary.
⁴ siddham.—On the analogy of an inscription (Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. V. Plate xliH.), which
commences Siddhiḥ Śrîḥ Saṁvat, &c.,—to which we may add another inscription (Jour. Beng.
As. Soc. Vol. XXIX. p. 18, and Vol. XXX. p. 13) commencing Siddhiḥ Saṁvat, &c.—Dr. Bühler
(Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 273) takes siddham, at the commencement of inscriptions, as a nominative case
standing by itself, and translates it by ‘success.’ But it seems to me to be clearly the remnant of some
such phrase as siddhaṁ bhagavatâ, “perfection or success has been attained by the Divine One,”
analogous to the jitaṁ bhagavatâ, “victory has been achieved by the Divine One,” of, for instance,
the Gaḍhwâ inscription of Kumâragupta, No. 8 below, Plate ivC., and the grant of the Pallava Yuva-
mahârâja Vishṇugôpavarman (Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 51). We may also compare jitaṁ . . . . .
Vishṇunâ in the Tuśâm inscription, No. 67 below, Plate xlA. And we have the remnant of another
analogous expression, in dṛishṭam, “sight (i.e. clearness of perception in religious matters) has been
attained (by the Divine One),” at the commencement of, for instance, the Chammak and Siwanî plates
of the Mahârâja Pravarasêna II., Nos. 55 and 56 below, Plates xxxiv. and xxxv.—In his remarks referred
to above, Dr. Bühler tells us that, in the Mahâbhâshya (Kielhorn’s edition, pp. 5, 6) siddham is
quoted as a maṅgala or ‘auspicious invocation;’ and refers us to some remarks, supporting this, by
Dr. R. G. Bhandarkar in Ind. Ant. Vol. V. p. 346.—As helping to illustrate the meaning, ‘perfection,’
by which I render siddham, I would refer to the use of siddha by the Jains to denote their saints who
have attained siddhi or ‘perfection or final beatitude,’ and who are invoked, under this epithet, in, for
instance, the Udayagiri inscription of the year 106, No. 61 below, Plate xxxviiiA. line 1.
⁵ dêya-dharma; lit. ‘(a gift of) religion, which is proper to be given.’—Monier Williams, in
his Saṁskṛit Dictionary, renders it by ‘the duty of giving, charity, beneficence;’ Dowson, by ‘votive
offering’ (e.g. Jour. R. As. Soc. N. S. Vol. V. p. 184); and Bühler and Bhagwanlal Indraji, by
‘meritorious gift, or benefaction’ (e. g. Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 83).
⁶ See page 8 above, note 1.
E₂

26 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
logical Report, which, originally printed in 1863 as a supplement to the Journal of the
Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. XXXII. pp. iii. to cxix., was in 1871 reprinted, with the
addition of Plates, as Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. I., in which the inscription is noticed on
p. 237.—Subsequently, in 1873, in the Archæol. Surv. Ind. Vol. III. p. 37, and Plate xvi.
No. 24, he published a reduced lithograph of it, shewing the completion of the lines as
arranged by him.
The inscription is on a red-sandstone fragment, about 10" broad by 11½" high, cracked
across the lower proper right corner, which was found, with its face downwards, forming
part of the pavement immediately outside the Katrâ¹ gateway at **Mathurâ,**² the chief town
of the Mathurâ District in the North-West Provinces. The original stone is now in the
Provincial Museum at Lâhôr.
The writing, which covers the entire front of the stone, about 10" broad by 11½" high,
is in a state of very fair preservation. It is only a fragment; the first line has been almost
entirely destroyed, and an indefinite number of lines have been entirely broken away and lost
at the bottom of the stone; and, in addition to this, from one to nine aksharas have been
broken away and lost at the commencement of the lines, and from one to five at the ends
of the lines, except in lines 8 and 9.—The size of the letters varies from ⅜" to ¾". The
characters belong to the northern class of alphabets. They are of radically the same
stock with those of the Allâhâbâd posthumous pillar inscription of Samudragupta, No. 1
above, but with several essential differences in details; the most noticeable of these are
(1) the very marked curve in the left downward stroke of m, which I have noticed, at page 3
above, as belonging originally to an earlier form of this letter than that which occurs in the
Allâhâbâd inscription; (2) a slanting straight stroke, instead of a circular loop, at the
bottom of the left downward stroke of s; and (3) the formation of the lower part of h en-
tirely to the right, instead of its sloping downwards only slightly to the right and then
turning up very markedly to the left.—The language is Sanskrit; and the extant portion
of the inscription is in prose throughout.—The orthography does not present anything
calling for remark.
The inscription is one of the Early Gupta king Chandragupta II. His name
does not occur in the portion that is extant. But the instrumental case putrêṇa in line 9,
immediately after the mention, in the genitive case, of Samudragupta, shews that the
genealogy was continued down to, and ended with, his son and chosen successor, whose
name came in line 11 or 12, and who is known from the subsequent records to have been
Chandragupta II.; and that the subject of the inscription was an act of the latter. The
date of the inscription, if any was recorded, and the subject of it, were in the portion that
has been broken away and lost.
**TEXT.**³
1 . . . . . . [Sarvva-râj-ôchhêttuḥ prithiv]y[âm=apratiratha]-
2 [sya chatur-udadhi-sali]l-âsvâdita-ya[śasô Dha]-
3 [nada-Varuṇ-Êndr-Ântaka-sa]masya Kṛitânta-[paraśôḥ]
4 [nyây-âgat-ânêka-gô]-hiraṇya-kôti-prada[sya chir-ô]-
¹ katrâ is the common word used in that part of the country for ‘an enclosed market-place.’
² The ‘Matra, Muthra, and Muttra,’ of maps, &c. Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 50. Lat. 27° 30′ N.;
Long. 77° 43′ E.
³ From the original stone.—The passages that have been broken away are supplied from the
Allâhâbâd posthumous pillar inscription of Samudragupta, No. 1, lines 24, 26, 28, and 29, page 8 above,
and from lines 1 to 4 of the Bhitarî pillar inscription of Skandagupta, No. 13 below, Plate vii.

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 4, PLATE III A. 27
5 [tsann - aśvamēdh - āharttur = mma]hārāja - śrī - Gupta - prapau[t]r[asya]
6 [mahārāja-śrī-Ghaṭōtka]cha-pautrasya mahārājādhir[āja]-
7 [śrī-Chandragupta-pu]trasya Lichchhavi-dauhitrasya mahā[dē]-
8 [vyāṁ Kumāra]d[ē]vyām=utpannasya mahārājādhirā-
9 [ja-śrī-Sa]mudraguptasya putrēṇa tat-parigṛi-
10 [hī]t[ē]na mahādēv[y]āṁ Dat[t]adēv[y]ām=ut[p]an[n]ē-
11 [na¹ paramabhāgavatēna mahārājādhirāja-śrī]-
12 [Chandraguptēna] ..........................
(The rest of the inscription is entirely
broken away and lost.)
TRANSLATION.
(Line 8.)—By him who is the son,—accepted by him,² (and) begotten on the
Mahādēvī Dattadēvī,— of the Mahārājādhirāja, [the glorious] Samudragupta,—
(L. 1.)—[Who³ was the exterminator of all kings;⁴ who had no antagonist (of
equal power)] in the world; [whose fame was] tasted [by the waters of the four oceans⁵];
¹ I add these two lines in order to shew the continuation of the construction of this record.
² See page 12 above, note 1.
³ i.e. Samudragupta.
⁴ sarva-rāj-ōchchhéttri.—In the nominative case, sarva-rāj-ōchchēttā, this epithet occurs on the
reverse of some gold coins, hitherto always classed in the Early Gupta series (see Jour. Beng. As. Soc.
Vol. LIII. Part I. p. 169 f., and Pl. ii. No. 1; also Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. II. p. 36, and Pl. vii.
No. 1), which have on the obverse the name of Kācha, in the place where the king's name usually
stands on coins, with the marginal legend kāchō gām=avajitya karmabhir=uttamair=jayati,
“Kācha, having conquered the earth, is victorious by (his) most excellent deeds,” and which have
always been attributed to the Mahārāja Ghaṭōtkacha, the grandfather of Samudragupta.—But, in
the first place, the name on these coins is distinctly Kācha, and nothing more; and kācha, which
means ‘glass, crystal; the string of the scale of a balance; alkaline salt, black salt; wax; &c.,’ is a
tōtally different word from utkacha, ‘having the hairs (of the body) standing erect (through pleasure),’
which is the second component of the name of Ghaṭōtkacha. Secondly, Ghaṭōtkacha, being only a
feudatory Mahārāja, was not entitled to issue a coinage in his own name. And thirdly, the epithet
sarva-rāj-ōchchhettri on the reverse, is, in the inscriptions, always applied to Samudragupta, and
to him only.—There is nothing distinctive in this epithet, sufficient to shew that it belonged only
to the Early Gupta dynasty (and, in that dynasty, to Samudragupta). Nor, I think, is it absolutely
certain that these coins belong to the Early Gupta series. But the general appearance of them,
with the legends on them, justifies such an opinion. And, if they are Early Gupta coins, then they
must be attributed to Samudragupta, not to Ghaṭōtkacha; and Kācha must, in that case, be a personal
and less formal name of Samudragupta; and with it we may compare such instances as Śāba,
‘cadaverous, of a dark yellowish colour, tawny; the young of any animal,’ used as a second name
of Vīrasēna, a minister of Chandragupta II. (No. 6 below, Plate ivA. line 4); Vyāghra, ‘a tiger,’
applied to a Jain named Rudrasōma (No. 15 below, Plate ixA.); and Permāḍi (also Parmāḍi, Par-
māṇḍi and Paramardi), a name of the Western Chālukya king Vikramāditya VI. (Jour. Bo. Br. R.
As. Soc. Vol. XI. pp. 225, l. 9, 253, l. 14; Bühler’s Vikramāṅkadēvacharita, Introd. p. 30, note 2; and
Rājataraṁgiṇī, vii. 1122, 1124).—The only other instances, known to me, in which the name Kācha
occurs, are in the case of two rulers or chieftains, Kācha I. and Kācha II., mentioned in one of the
inscriptions in the Ajaṇṭā caves (Archæol. Surv. West. Ind. Vol. IV. p. 129, lines 4, 6), belong-
ing to a period that is at any rate appreciably later than that of the Early Guptas.
⁵ i.e. “whose fame extended up to the shores of the four oceans.”—Jambudvīpa, or the central
division of the known world, including India, was supposed to be surrounded on all sides by the
ocean.
E 2.

28 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
who was equal to (the gods) [Dhanada and Varuṇa and Indra and Antaka]; who was
[the very axe] of (the god) Kṛitānta;¹ who was the giver of [many] millions of [lawfully
acquired cows] and gold; [who was the restorer of the aśvamêdha-sacrifice,² that had
been long in abeyance];—
(L. 5.)—Who³ was the son of the son’s son of the Mahārāja, the illustrious
Gupta; the son’s son of [the Mahārāja, the illustrious] Ghaṭôtkacha; (and) the son
of the Mahārājādhirāja [the glorious Chandragupta (I.)], (and) the daughter’s son of
Lichchhavi, begotten on the Mahādêvî Kumāradêvî;—
(L. 11.)—[By him,⁴ the most devout worshipper of the Divine One,⁵ the
Mahārājādhirāja, the glorious Chandragupta (II.)], . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
(The rest of the inscription is entirely
broken away and lost.)

¹ Kṛitānta-paraśu.—This is another of the formal epithets which are always applied to
Samudragupta, and to him only. In the nominative case, Kṛitānta-paraśuḥ, it occurs on the reverse
of some of his gold coins; see, for instance, Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. III. Part I. p. 177 f., and Pl.
ii. No. 11.
² A ceremony which centred in a horse, and was concluded after the selected steed had been
turned loose for a year to roam about at will, guarded by armed men. The ceremony appears
to have ended sometimes in the actual immolation of the horse, but sometimes only in keeping it
bound during the celebration of the final rites. The successful celebration of a hundred aśvamêdhas
was supposed to raise the sacrificer to a level with the god Indra.—The present epithet, aśvamêdh-
âhartṛi, is another of those which are always applied to Samudragupta, and to him only. With it we
have to compare the legend aśvamêdha-parākramaḥ, “he who has displayed prowess by a horse-
sacrifice,” on some of the gold coins which are attributed to Samudragupta; see, for instance,
Jour. Beng. As. Soc. Vol. LIII. Part I. p. 175 ff., and Pl. ii. No. 9; and Archæol. Surv. West. Ind.
Vol. II. p. 37 f., and Pl. vii. No. 4.
³ i.e. Samudragupta.
⁴ See page 27 above, note 1.
⁵ paramabhāgavata; lit. ‘a most devout worshipper of (the god) Bhagavat.’—This epithet is
supplied from the subsequent inscriptions, and the coins of Chandragupta II. himself.—It is a technical
sectarian title, analogous to paramamāhêśvara (e.g. No. 38 below, line 2), paramasaugata (e.g.
No. 52 below, line 8), paramavaishṇava (e.g. lines a and 1 of the Dighwā-Dubaulî grant of the
Mahārāja Mahêndrapāla; Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 112), paramapāśupata (e.g. line 8 of the Verâwal
inscription of Arjunadêva; id. Vol. XI. p. 242), and paramadaivata (e.g. line 1 of the Nêpâl inscrip-
tion of Vasantasêna; id. Vol. IX. p. 167, No. 3). Other similar epithets, but not formed in quite
the same way, are paramabrahmaṇya (e.g. line 39 of the grant of Amma II.; id. Vol. VII. p. 16);
paramâdityabhakta (e.g. No. 38 below, line 10); and paramabhagavatîbhakta (e.g. lines e, i, k, 3, 6,
and 7 of the Dighwā-Dubaulî grant referred to above); also atyantamāhêśvara and atyantasvāmi-
mahābhairavabhakta, e.g. No. 55 below, lines 9 and 4; and atyantabhagavadbhakta, in No. 19 below,
line 6, and No. 36, line 4. — Bhagavat, ‘venerable, revered, sacred, divine, holy,’ was used as a title
of priests, e.g. lines 5 and 6 of a Paṭṭadakal inscription of Vijayâditya and Vikramâditya II., where
it is applied to two Āchāryas (Ind. Ant. Vol. X. p. 165, No. 101); and also of any saintly personage,
e.g. line 12 of No. 23 below, where it is applied to Vyāsa, the arranger of the Vêdas. And it was
also used as an epithet of any god or object of worship; thus, it is applied to Buddha, in line 6 of
No. 62 below; to Vishṇu, in line 6 of No. 32 below; to Śambhu (Śiva) in line 5 of No. 7 below; to
Svāmi-Mahāsêna (Kārttikêya), in line 7 of No. 10 below; to Varuṇavāsin (the Sun), in line 13 of No.
46 below; and to Jinêndra, in line 1 of the Aihoḷe Mêguṭi inscription of Pulikêśin II. (Ind. Ant. Vol.
VIII. p. 241). But it seems to belong most particularly to the god Vishṇu (see, for instance, the
Vishṇu-Purāṇa, vi. 5; Hall’s edition of H. H. Wilson’s Translation, Vol. V. p. 211 ff.), and to
denote him whenever there is nothing in the context to give it any other application; and, as well-
known instances of its use in this way, we may quote Bhagavadgîtā, the name of an episode of
the Mahābhārata devoted entirely to the subject of devotion to Vishṇu as Kṛishṇa; Bhāgavata-

Vol. III. CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM. Plate iii
A.—Mathura Inscription of Chandragupta II.
2
4
6
8
10
SCALE .27
B.—Sanchi Inscription of Chandragupta II.—The Year 93.
2
4
6
8
10
J. F. FLEET, BO. C.S W. GRIGGS, PHOTO-LITH.

The provided image is completely blank and contains no visible text, inscriptions, or content to transcribe.

Please provide an image with visible content to proceed with the transcription.

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS: No. 5, PLATE III B. 29
No. 5; PLATE III B.
SANCHI STONE INSCRIPTION OF CHANDRAGUPTA II.
THE YEAR 93.
THIS inscription was first brought to notice in 1834, in the Jour. Beng. As. Soc.
Vol. III. p. 488 ff., where a lithograph of it was published (id. Plate xxviii.), reduced
by Mr. James Prinsep from a copy by Mr. B. H. Hodgson. This lithograph was not
accompanied by any details of the contents of the inscription ; and it is a very imperfect
one ; especially in shewing no traces whatever of the first six or seven letters of each line,
all the way down.—And in 1837, in the same Journal, Vol. VI. p. 451 ff., Mr. Prinsep pub-
lished his reading of the text, and a translation of it,¹ accompanied by a lithograph,
reduced from copies on cloth and paper made by Captain Edward Smith, of the Engineers
(id. Plate xxv.)
**Sâñchi, or Sâchi,**² is a village about twelve miles to the north-east of Dîwângañj, the
chief town of the Dîwângañj Tahsîl or Sub-Division of the Native State of Bhôpâl or
Bhûpâl³ in Central India. It is sometimes called Sâñchi-Kânâkhêḍâ, through its name
being coupled with that of another small village immediately on the north of it.
The writing, which covers a space of about 2′ 6¼″ broad by 1′ 9″ high, is on the
outer side of the top rail in the second row, outside and on the south side of the eastern

Purâṇa, the title of one of the Purâṇas, dedicated especially to the glorification of Vishṇu ; and
Bhâgavata, which occurs in line 7 of the Khôh plates of the Mahârâja Jayanâtha of the year 177,
No. 27 below, Plate xvii., and is, to the present time, the name of one of the Vaishṇava sects.
—It may be taken, therefore, that Paramabhâgavata is exclusively a Vaishṇava title.
¹ The translation is reprinted in Thomas’ edition of Prinsep’s Essays, Vol. I. p. 246.
² Indian Atlas, Sheet No. 53. Lat. 23° 28′ N.; Long. 77° 48′ E.—The ‘Sachi, Sacha Kana
Kheyra, and Sachi Kanakera,’ of maps, &c. — The name is pronounced both Sâñchi and Sâchi ;
but with a preference, as far as my observation went, for the nasalised form. The alternative forms
have already been pointed out by Gen. Cunningham in Bhilsa Topes, p. 181, where he suggests that
the name is most probably only the spoken form of the Saṁskṛit śânti, ‘tranquillity, calmness,’ &c.,—
since the term śânti-samgha, ‘the community of tranquillity,’ occurs in the Aśôka inscription at
Sâñchi (Bhilsa Topes, p. 259 ff. and Plate xix. No. 177); and since the Chinese transcribed śânti
by sa-chi. But the ancient name of Sâñchi, at least from the Aśôka to the Gupta period, was
Kâkanâda (see page 31 below, para. 5); and this seems to indicate that the name Sâñchi is of com-
paratively modern introduction. Also, though I could not find the places on the map, I was
informed that there are at least two other villages in the neighbourhood, named Sâñchi or Sâchi,
with no Buddhist remains at them. And this,—with the analogous names of Kâchi-Kânâkhêḍâ,
a village about one and a half miles to the south-west of Sâñchi (in which kâchi is either an Urdu,
or a Rângaḍî or local vernacular, word, meaning ‘gardener’), and of Mâchi, a village somewhere in
the same neighbourhood, which I noticed in a local topographical map, but cannot now find again in
the Indian Atlas,—suggests that Sâñchi or Sâchi is probably a vernacular name, connected in no
way with the Saṁskṛit.
³ This name is written and pronounced Bhôpâl by Musalmâns, and Bhûpâl by Hindus. It has
been suggested that it is a corruption of Bhôj-pâl, ‘the tank or embankment of king Bhoja.’ But
I think it is far more likely that the original and correct name is Bhûpâl, from the Saṁskṛit bhûpâla,
‘a king, or the king.’ The State, however, is a Musalmân State; and Bhôpâl is the form of the
name that has been established by long official usage.

30                          CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
gateway of the Great Stûpa.¹ The inscription is very well preserved, with the exception
that two or three letters are destroyed and quite illegible near the commencement of each
line as far as line 8.—The average size of the letters is ⅝". The characters belong to the
southern class of alphabets, and approximate most closely to, in the present volume, those
of the Mandasôr inscription of Kumâragupta and Bandhuvarman, No. 18 below, Plate xi.,
and, elsewhere, those of the Aihoḷe Mêguṭi inscription² of the Western Chalukya king
Pulikêśin II. of Śaka-Saṁvat 556 (A.D. 634-35). They include, in line 11, forms of the
numerical symbols for 3, 4, and 90.—The language is Saṁskṛit; and the inscription
is in prose throughout.—In respect of orthography, the only point that calls for notice
is the use of the dental s, instead of the visarga or the upadhmanîya, in conjunction with
p, in yaśas-patâka, line 4.
The inscription refers itself to the reign of the Early Gupta king Chandragupta
II. Its date, in numerical symbols, is the year³ ninety-three (A.D. 412-13), on the fourth
day, without any specification of the lunar fortnight, of the month Bhâdrapada (August-
¹ Stûpa, 'a heap or pile of earth; any heap or pile or mound,' is the technical name of a
certain kind of Buddhist monument, consisting of a mound, more or less elaborate, and with or
without masonry work, erected over sacred relics of Buddha and his followers.—The English cor-
ruption, Tope, is from the Prâkṛit form thûpa.—In the country round Sâñchi, I found the popular
term for a Stûpa to be bîṭâ (Hindî, bîṭaurâ), which means literally 'a heap of dried cowdung-cakes
to be used as fuel.' The great Stûpa at Sâñchi is known as Sâs-bahû kâ bîṭâ, "the heap of dried
cowdung-cakes of the mother-in-law and her daughter-in-law." And with this name we may
compare Sâs-bahû kâ dêhrâ, "the temple of the mother-in-law and her daughter-in-law," which is
the popular name of the temple at Gwâlior in which there is the long Sanskrit inscription of the
Kachchhapaghâta prince Mahîpâla, dated Vikrama-Saṁvat 1150 (Ind. Ant. Vol. XV. p. 33 ff.)
² Ind. Ant. Vol. VIII. p. 241 ff., and the accompanying plate.
³ The text has the abbreviation saṁ, which may stand either for the crude form saṁvatsara, 'a
year,' or for any declensional case that can be used in expressing a date (see page 22 above, note
5). The same remark applies to the form saṁvat, which occurs, for instance, in saṁvat 100 90 1
Śrâvaṇa ba di 7, in line 2 of the Êraṇ posthumous pillar inscription of Gôparâja, No. 20 below, Plate
xiiB.—It was formerly thought that the word saṁvat was used only in connection with the Vikrama
era commencing B.C. 57. But fuller experience has shewn that both the forms are used freely in
respect of the years of any era whatsoever.—They are used sometimes by themselves, as in the present
passage, and in the instance quoted above for saṁvat; and sometimes in composition with the name
of the era; as, for instance, in the Ambarnâth inscription of the chieftain Mâmvâṇi (Jour. Bo. Br. R.
As. Soc. Vol. IX. p. 219, and Vol. XII. p. 329, l. 1), Śaka-saṁvat 782 Jyêshṭha śuddha 9 Śukrê, and in
the Sômnâth-Pâṭhaṇ inscription of Arjunadêva of Aṇhilvâḍ (Ind. Ant. Vol. XI. p. 242, l. 2 ff.), Maham-
mada-saṁvat 662 tathâ śrî-nṛipa-Vikrama-saṁ 1320 tathâ śrî-śrīmad-Valabhî-saṁ 945 tathâ śrî-Siṁha-
saṁ 151 varshê Âshâḍha va di 13 Ravau.—The form saṁvat represents the genitive plural, saṁvat-
sarâṇâm, in such passages as Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śatêshv=ashṭasu chatur-navaty-
adhikêshv=aṅkataḥ saṁvat 894 &c., in the Kardâ grant of the Râshṭrakûṭa king Kakka III. (Ind. Ant.
Vol. XII. p. 266, l. 47 f.), as contrasted with Śaka-nṛipa-kâl-âtîta-saṁvatsara-śatêshv=ashṭasu pañcha-
pañchâśad-adhikêshv=aṅkatô=pi saṁvatsarâṇâm 855 &c., in the Sânglî grant of Gôvinda V. of the
same dynasty (id. Vol. XII. p. 251, l. 44 f.); the latter is the only passage that I know of, in which the
full genitive case occurs in connection with the numerals. And it evidently stands for the full loca-
tive singular and plural respectively, in such passages as Saṁvat pañcha-saptaty-adhika-dvâdaśa-śat-
âṅkê 1275 &c., in the Chârwâ inscription of Dêvapâla of Dhârâ (No. 10 of the separate publications
of the Archæological Survey of Western India, p. 111, l. 4), and in Śaka-saṁvat êka-navaty-adhika-
nava-śatêshu saṁvat 991 &c., in the Bassein grant of Sêuṇachandra II. (Ind. Ant. Vol. XII. p. 120,
l. 24 f.)—Monier Williams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, gives saṁvat as an indeclinable; and of course
it properly is so. I am able, however, to quote two epigraphical instances, of modern date, in which
it is used as a declinable; (1) in verse 30 of Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji's Nêpâl Inscription, No. 19, of
Pratâpamalla, dated Nêpâla-Saṁvat 778 (A.D. 1658-59); Nêpâlê saṁvatê=smin=haya-giri-munibhiḥ

THE GUPTA INSCRIPTIONS; No. 5, PLATE III, B. 31
September). It is a Buddhist inscription; and the object of it is to record the grant, by
Amrakârdava or Âmrakârdava, the son of Undâna, and apparently an officer of
Chandragupta II., of a village, or an allotment of land, called Îśvaravâsaka, and a sum
of money, to the Ârya-Saṁgha, or community of the faithful, at the great vihâra or
Buddhist convent of Kâkanâdabôṭa, for the purpose of feeding mendicants and main-
taining lamps.
The Kâkanâdabôṭa convent is, of course, the Great Stûpa itself. The name is
partially destroyed in the present inscription; but it is legible in full in line 2 of the other
Sâñchi inscription of the year 131, No. 62 below, Plate xxxviii B. It is not quite certain
what meaning is to be allotted to bôṭa in this name; but it is probably another form of pôṭa,
'the foundation of a house.'¹ The rest of the name, Kâkanâda, lit. 'the noise of the
crow,' is the ancient name of Sâñchi itself. This is shewn by its occurring in at least two
of the inscriptions of the Aśôka period in the neighbourhood, to which my attention was
directed by Dr. Bhagwanlal Indraji; thus, (1) an inscription on the outside of the east gate
of the great Stûpa at Sâñchi (Bhilsa Topes, p. 241, and Plate xvi. No. 39) should evidently
be read Kâkaṇâyê bhagavatô pamâna-laṭhi, "the measuring-staff (?) of (Buddha), the
Divine One, at Kâkanâda;" and (2) the inscription on the top of the lid of the steatite
casket found in Stûpa No. 2 at 'Andher' (id. p. 347, and Plate xxix. No. 7) should plainly
be read Sapurisasa Gôtiputasa Kâkanâda-Pabhâsanasa Kôḍiña-gôtasa, "(the relics) of
the virtuous Prabhâsana of Kâkanâda, the Gôtiputra, of the Kauṇḍinya gôtra."
TEXT.³
1 Siddham² [॥*] Kâ[kanâ⁴]dabôṭa-srî-mahâ-vihârê śîla-samâdhi-prajñâ-guṇa-
bhâvit-êndriyâya parama-puṇya-
2 kri . . . . tâya chatur-ddig-abhyâgatâya śramaṇa-puṅgav-âvasathây=âryya-
saṅghâya mahârâjâdhi-
3 râ[ja-ś]r[î]-Chandragupta-pâda-prasâd-âpyâyita-jîvita=sâdhanaḥ anujîvi-satpurusha-
sadbhâva-
4 vri[ttim(?)] jagati prakhyâpayan anêka-samar-âvâpta-vijaya-yaśas-patâkaḥ
Sukuli-dêśa-Na-
5 shṭî . . . . . vâstavya Undâna-putr-Amrakârddavô Maja-Śarabhaṅg-
Âmrarâta-râjakula-mûlya-krî-
6 tam(?) . . . . ya . . Îśvaravâsakaṁ pañcha-maṇḍalyâ[ṁ*] praṇipatya
dadâti pañcha-viṁśatiś(ñ)-cha dînâ-
saṁyutê &c. (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 191); and (2) in an unpublished Chambâ inscription which con-
tains several dates in the Vikrama-Saṁvat ad Lôkakâla, commencing with Vikrama-Saṁvat 1915
(A.D. 1858-59); in line 11 f. we have Saṁvatî 34 Śrâvaṇa-pra° 17 lat saṁvatî 36 dâ Śrâvaṇa-śuddha
..... &c.
¹ In the present series of inscriptions, bôṭa or vôṭa occurs again (1) as part of a proper name
in Raṅkabôṭa, in line 8 of No. 27, Plate xvii. below; and (2) as a territorial name, in the Vôṭa santika
in line 6 f. of No. 29, Plate xixA. below.—Monier Williams, in his Sanskrit Dictionary, gives pôṭâ, bôṭâ,
and vôṭâ, in the sense of 'a woman with a beard; a hermaphrodite; a female servant or slave.'—
And we have Bôṭaka, as a proper name, in line 25 of No. 38 below, Plate xxiv.
² From the original stone.
³ In the original, this word, which is very much damaged and hardly recognisable, stands above
the first two aksharas of line 1.
⁴ These two aksharas are supplied from line 2 of the Sâñchi inscription of the year 131, No. 62
below, Plate xxxviiiB., in which they are quite distinct.
29. A

32 CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM INDICARUM, VOL. III.
7 rân [II*] Ta[d-da]tta-........ yâd=arddhêna mahârâjâdhirâja-śrî-
Chandraguptasya Dêvarâja iti pri-
8 ya-nâm........y.tasya¹ sarvva-guṇa-sampattayê yâvach=chandr-âdityau
tâvat=pancha bhikshavô bhuñja-
9 tâm ratna-grihê [cha dî]pakô jvalatu [I*] mama ch=âpar-ârddhât=pañch=
aiva bhikshavô bhuñjatâm ratna-grihê cha
10 dîpaka iti [II*] Tad=êtat-pravṛittaṁ ya uchchhindyât=sa gô-brahma-hatyayâ
saṁyuktô bhavêt=pañchabhiś=ch=âna-
11 ntaryyair=iti [II*] Saṁ² 90 3 Bhâdrapada di³ 4 [II*]
TRANSLATION.
Perfection has been attained! To the community of the faithful⁴ in the holy great
vihâra of Kâkanâdabôta,—in which the organs of sense (of the members of it) have
been subdued by the virtues of (good) character, religious meditation, and wisdom; which
............ deeds of the very highest religious merit; which has come together from the
four quarters of the world; (and) which is the abode of most excellent Śramaṇas,—having
prostrated himself in an assembly of five persons,⁵ Âmrakârdava,⁶ the son of
Undâna,—whose means of subsistence have been made comfortable by the favour of the
feet of the Mahârâjâdhirâja, the glorious Chandragupta (II.); who is publishing in
the world the amiable behaviour of the virtuous people who are the dependents (of the
king); who has acquired banners of victory and fame in many battles; (and) who is an
inhabitant of (the town of) Nashtî...... in the Sukuli dêśa,⁷—gives (the village or
¹ We might very suitably supply the lacunæ by reading Dêvarâja iti priya-nâm=[âmâtyô
bhavat]y=[ê]tasya.
² See page 30 above, note 3.
³ i.e. dina, dinê, divasa, or divasê. And the word properly denotes the solar day, from sunrise
to sunrise, with which a week-day name would be coupled; not the lunar tithi, which may coincide
with, or more or less may differ from, the solar day and week-day.
⁴ Ârya-Saṁgha.
⁵ pañcha-maṇḍalî is evidently the same as the Pañchâît, Pañchâyat, or Pañch, of modern times,
the village-jury of five (or more) persons, convened to settle a dispute by arbitration, to witness and
sanction any art of importance, &c.—Compare pâñchâlî (perhaps a mistake of the engraver for
pañchâlî), which seems to be used in the same sense, in line 16 of Bhagwanlal Indraji's Nêpâl Inscrip-
tions, No. 10 (Ind. Ant. Vol. IX. p. 173).—So also pâñchâlika, in No. 4 of the same series, line 11
(id. p. 168), No. 7, lines 13 and 15 (p. 170), and No. 13, line 20 (p. 177), seems to mean the members
of certain Pañchâyats which are in each instance specified by name.
⁶ Or Âmrakârdava.
⁷ dêśa, 'a region, country, province, &c.,' is a technical territorial term, the exact meaning and
bearing of which have not yet been determined. So, also, khaṇḍa, 'a section;' maṇḍala, 'a circle,
district, arrondissement, province, &c.;' râshṭra, 'a kingdom, district, country, region, &c.;' and
vishaya, 'a country, region, district, province, &c.'—Dêsa is sometimes used as a synonym of
maṇḍala. Thus, in line 7 of a grant of Amma II. of about Śaka-Saṁvat 867 or A.D. 945-46 (Ind.
Ant. Vol. VII. p. 16), and in line 6 of another grant of the same (id. Vol. VIII. p. 74), the kingdom of
the Eastern Chalukyas is called the Vêṅgî dêśa. While, in line 17 of a grant of Amma I. (id. Vol.
VIII. p. 79), and in line 8 of another of Bhîma II. (id. Vol. XIII. p. 213), it is called the Veṅgî maṇ-
ḍala. These charters record grants made in the Pennâtavâḍi, Gudrâvâra, and Pâgunavara vishayas;
which would point to vishaya being a subdivision of a dêśa or maṇḍala. And this is in accordance
with line 5 of the Kapâlêśwar grant of Mahâ-Bhavagupta (id. Vol. V. p. 55, where the correct reading
is vishayîya-Raṇḍâgrâmê), recording a gift of the village of Raṇḍâgrâma belonging to the Pôvâ
or Yôvâ vishaya in the Kôśala dêśa. On the other hand, in line 4 of the Têrdâḷ inscription of Śaka-