अमर शहीद अशफ़ाक़उल्ला ख़ाँ: व्यक्तित्व और कृतित्व (काकोरी के अमर शहीद का जीवन व रचनाएँ)

relatives off at Shahjahanpur railway station on Christmas Day, 1924,
and saw the "shikar" party then. He was very clearly a partial
witness as he would not admit that certain letters shown to him
were in Ashfaqullah's handwriting although he admitted that he
had received letters from Ashfaqullah and the letters shown him
had been admittedly written by Ashfaqullah. He admitted that
he had been convicted under the Arms Act in 1925 for having two
pistols without a license. Altogether he appeared to be a very un-
reliable witness. My general impression from the evidence of
these five witnesses is that although there may be some slight 10
foundation for the "shikar" story, the statement that the party
including Ashfaqullah, left Shahjahanpur on the 25th December,
1925, cannot be relied upon.
107. Seven witnesses were produced by the defence on
Bichpuri alibi. four different days to prove that on the
9th March 1925, the date of the Bichpuri
dacoity, Ashfaqullah took part in the ceremony of "Milad
Sharif" at the house of Anwar Husain Khan (D. W. 1). The
witnesses do not give the English date but give the corres-
ponding Muhammadan date, namely the 13th of Shaban, or 20
fix the date with reference to the Shab-i-barat festival which
fell on the 14th of Shaban in 1925. Anwar Husain Khan is
a connection of Ashfaqullah's family, his cousin (one witness says
his sister) being married to Riyasatullah Khan, brother of Ashfaq-
ullah. He states that he had celebrated the Milad regularly on
the 13th Shaban, for the last eight years, this date being fixed for
O. P. 154. it as the month of Shaban is propitious, and convenient for him as
his profits from his sugar factory have come in by then. Ashfaq-
ullah did not attend the Milad in 1926 or 1927 but did so in 1925,
when he assisted the witness in spreading the carpets and distri- 30
buting sweets and pan. Only members of Ashfaqullah's family
assisted him in the Milad, as it was the custom for only relatives
to do so. The story is repeated by Saiyid Ali Ahmad (D. W. 2), a
mukhtar on Rs. 15 a month of an honorary magistrate who is also
said to have attended the Milad in question but who has not ap-
peared as a witness to say so; and by Mashuqullah Khan (D. W.
5), a zamindar who first of all said that it was in 1925 that Safi-
ullah Khan asked that prayers might be offered for Ashfaqullah on
account of the case pending against him, Ashfaqullah himself not
being present on that occasion. Subsequently he said that Ashfaq- 40
ullah was absent for the last two Milads but he did not remember
whether the last Milad was in 1927, though he knew that the
present year is 1927. The house of this witness adjoins that of
Ashfaqullah. As regards the evidence of Inayatullah Khan (D.
W. 6), a zamindar whose antecedents do not appear to have been
altogether above suspicion; of Abdul Fateh Khan (D. W. 17), a
fairly large zamindar, a friend of the family and of the same
"biradari"; of Amjad Ali Khan (D. W. 18), a clerk in the Shahjahan-
pur Municipal office; and of Safiullah Khan, Ashfaqullah's brother,

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all of whom repeat the story, there is nothing in particular to note.
There are small discrepancies in their evidence but not such as by
themselves would excite suspicion. The counsel for the Crown has
pointed to the inability of some of these witnesses to give details
about the manner in which the Milad was celebrated in other
years or at other peoples' houses, but on this too I do not lay much
stress. More significant appear to be the admissions that none of
the witnesses knows of any other family in Shahjahanpur which O. P. 155.
holds the Milad at this time and that there is at least one month
more auspicious than Shaban for the purpose. The prosecution
argue with some force that if a definite date were fixed for the
Milad every year it would naturally be fixed at the most auspicious
time. They also point out—and this is possibly the greatest weak-
ness in the defence story—that as the Muhammadan year is shorter
by ten days than the English year, after eight years Anwar
Husain Khan would now be holding Milad at quite a different
season from that in which he held it when he originally fixed the
date, and that the reason he gives for holding it on the 13th Sha-
ban, namely that it suits his pocket as he realises the profits of his
sugar factory about a month before, is not therefore very con-
vincing. It is rather in view of these improbabilities than because
the evidence is on the face of it unreliable that I reject the story.
108. Seven witnesses have been produced to show that
Ashfaqullah was in Bhopal at the time of the
Kakori alibi. Kakori dacoity. His brother, Safiullah Khan,
(D. W. 21) says that in May, 1925, Ashfaqullah
left school for the second time with the intention of taking service
somewhere. He went to Bhopal with this object the last week of
July and returned the third week of August. While he was away
30 the witness received letters from him which he did not keep. They
were to the effect that he had.applied for employment but was
unable to obtain it immediately "as the Begam Sahiba was away
in England": Another brother of Ashfaqullah named Shahan Shah
Khan alias Munnu Khan is employed in the Bhopal State as a
criminal peshkar of the district magistrate, Ashta, and there can
be no doubt that Ashfaqullah visited him from time to time.
Safiullah Khan says that Ashfaqullah went to Bhopal for some
time, after discontinuing his studies on account of the non-co-
operation movement. He stayed there once for several months in
40 1923. The correspondence found with Ashfaqullah at the time of
his arrest shows that he was in Bhopal part of the time that he was
absconding.
It should be noted that his brother Shahan Shah Khan has not
appeared to support his alibi.

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of Ashta where Shahan Shah Khan is employed. Colonel Inamullah
Khan says that Ashfaqullah came to him and asked for a post in
the army. The witness replied that Her Highness and her son
were in Bangalore (not England) and that no final reply could be
given at the moment. As regards the date when this application
was made the witness'said; "It was in 1925. I am not sure of the
month; it was either July or August. I think it was either the end
of July or the beginning of August. I do not know the date and
as I have already said I am not sure about the month. It was the
rainy season. I had not seen him before nor did I see him after". 10
The witness also said that Ashfaqullah's application for employ-
ment was not kept. Clearly this evidence is not very helpful to
the defence.
110. The other witnesses, Majid Ali Khan, (D. W. 23) Inayat
Other witnesses. Khan (D. W. 24), Bhagwat Singh (D. W. 25),
Ahsan Ali (D. W. 26) and Muhammad
Ishaq (D. W. 27) all appear to be friends of Shahan Shah Khan.
Majid Ali Khan is a kanungo at Ashta. He says that he saw
Ashfaqullah there in 1923 and again in 1925. In the latter year he
first saw him towards the end of July. "He left Ashta five or six 20
days after the Muharram (1st August). He came back again two
days later and stayed eight or ten days at Ashta." He under-
stood that he had been to Bhopal to obtain a post in the army.
He can give no reason for remembering the date. Inayat Khan
is a clerk. He states that he saw Ashfaqullah eight or ten days
after the Muharram at Sihor in the Bhopal State. Ashfaqullah
was in a motor bus or lorry on his way back from Bhopal. The
witness spoke to him and Ashfaqullah told him that he had been
to Bhopal in search of employment. Though he thought the date
was eight or ten days after the Muharram the witness admitted 30
that it might have been only four or six days after or as many as
twelve or fifteen. He says that some other men in the motor
lorry, including Bhagwat Singh the next witness, were sitting in
front of Ashfaqullah. This witness says that he went from Sihor
to Ashta in the same motor lorry as Ashfaqullah and that the
date was the Hindi date corresponding to the 8th August.
He was in the main portion of the lorry while Ashfaqullah was
sitting in front with the driver. Ashfaqullah did not come into the
main portion at all. This does not agree with the evidence of
Inayat Khan. Ahsan Ali is a dismissed police official and at 40
present manager of a motor company. He was dismissed in
connection with the disappearance of some papers and was in the
Ashta lock-up in this connection for two months before being
acquitted. While he was in the lock-up his uncle came and told
him that his grandmother had died and that he should obtain the
permission of the district magistrate to join in the funeral cere-
mony. The jail dafadar then took him out of the lock-up to the
district magistrate but the latter refused to let him go. With the

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district magistrate were Shahan Shah Khan and his brother
Ashfaqullah Khan. The date was the 18th of the month of Muhar-
ram (8th August). Muhammad Ishaq, a vakil whose appearance (O. P. 158.)
hardly supported his statement that he made as much as Rs. 400
a month, stated that he attended the funeral ceremony of the
grandmother of the last witness. As regards the date he said
"I don't remember the date. It was after the Muharram. I am
not sure but I think it was the 7th or 8th day after the Muharram
(i. e. 7th or 8th August). He had come to the office of the
10 district magistrate to request his permission to appear late in court
on account of the funeral. He was there about 10 a. m. and saw
both Shahan Shah Khan and Ashfaqullah coming out of the district
magistrate's office. Questioned as to how he remembered the date
he said: "On seeing the accused in court I remembered that I had
seen him about eight days after the Muharram". He was unable
to give any information about the cases in which he had to appear
that day before the district magistrate. The evidence of none of
these witnesses inspired confidence, especially as regards the date.
It is possible, indeed likely, that they saw Ashfaqullah on one or
20 more of his visits to the Bhopal State, but I cannot accept their
evidence as proving that they saw him there on the 7th, 8th or
9th August 1925.
111. A number of witnesses have been called by the defence
[Side note: Alleged antagonism between Ashfaqullah and Ram Prasad.] to prove that Ashfaqullah and Ram Prasad
were on opposite sides during the Shahjahanpur
riots of 1924, the suggestion being that men
who were opposed to each other during
these communal riots could not possibly have been, either at the
time or afterwards, closely connected in a revolutionary conspiracy.
30 Raza Ali Khan, a vakil (D. W. 4) says that Ashfaqullah did
"pairawi" for one Ata Husain, and that Ram Prasad did "pairawi" (O. P. 159.)
for the Hindus but cannot give any details of the case or cases in
which Ram Prasad did "pairawi". He only concluded that Ashfaq-
ullah was doing "pairawi" for Ata. Husain because he saw them
together on several occasions. Muhammad Shafiqullah Khan
(D. W. 7) says he spoke to Ashfaqullah about the time of the riots
and Ashfaqullah complained that persons who posed as national-
ists were taking part in communal quarrels. After being asked
several times whether Ashfaqullah mentioned any names the wit-
40 ness said that he mentioned the name of Ram Prasad. The manner
in which this witness after much hesitation made this statement
did not impress me with his reliability. Karim-ul-Raza Khan
(D. W. 8) a vakil who suspended practice during the non-co-ope-
ration movement and who appeared as counsel for Ata Husain
referred to above, says that Ashfaqullah did "pairawi" for
Ata Husain. His only reason for saying so, however, was
that Ashfaqullah used to accompany Ata Husain to his house.

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He admits that Ashfaqullah never gave him any instructions. He
also says that Ram Prasad did "pairawi" for the Hindus concerned
in the riots, but here again his only reason for this statement is that
he saw Ram Prasad occasionally with these Hindus. Ata
Husain Khan (D. W. 9) who was convicted in connection with the
riots, states that he was with Ashfaqullah and other Muhammadans
one day during a tazia procession. It was rumoured that the
Hindus of the Katiatola mohalla would stop the procession. They did
not, however, do so as the Muhammadans were in a great major-
ity. They saw groups of Hindus about as they passed through 10
this mohalla and amongst them Ram Prasad. That evening a
Muhammadan was murdered in Katiatola mohalla. He asked
Ashfaqullah, who was still with him, why these Congress people
(meaning Ram Prasad and the Hindus with him) created trouble
in this way and Ashfaqullah said that it was very bad of them.
O. P. 160. Ata Husain says nothing whatever about Ashfaqullah doing
"pairawi" for him. Matlub Husain (D. W. 10) gives similar and
equally vague and unconvincing evidence. He also was prosecuted
in connection with the riots but acquitted. He was formerly a
police constable but resigned in connection with the non-co-opera- 20
tion movement. Like another defence witness whose antecedents
are not above suspicion, namely Ashiq Ali Khan, he is at present
employed in the Army Clothing factory at Shahjahanpur. He
slightly improves on the story told by Ata Husain, saying that
Ram Prasad and Ashfaqullah stared at each other when the pro-
cession passed through Katiatola mohalla. Anwar Hasan Khan
(D. W. 16), was convicted during the riots under sections 325, 147
and 149 I. P. C. and sentenced to three years' imprisonment, this
sentence being subsequently reduced to two years. He says that
Ashfaqullah and other Muhammadans assisted him in the case; 30
Ashfaqullah attended the trial every day. It will be observed that
the evidence of these witnesses is to some extent contradictory,
in that it is sought to show on the one hand that Ashfaqullah blam-
ed Ram Prasad for interesting himself in these communal distur-
bances, while on the other it is alleged that Ashfaqullah himself
was actively engaged on the other side. Even if it is believed that
Ashfaqullah and Ram Prasad were on opposite sides during these
riots and that they were so is not altogether improbable, though
the evidence to prove it cannot be described as convincing, I see
no reason to think that there was anything in the nature of a 40
quarrel between them. They may very well have casually sup-
ported co-religionists with whom they were friends without com-
ing into conflict themselves, or regarding it in any way as a per-
O. P. 161. sonal matter. There is no clear evidence to show that either
played any particular part in the riots or assisted any accused
materially in the cases afterwards. I have already shown that
the policy of the revolutionaries was to put religious questions into
the background. If we may judge from the literature found with
him and his friendship with Banarsi Lal, Ashfaqullah was unusually

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free from religious prejudices.
112. While it is admitted that Ashfáqullah was at one time
[Alleged quarrel with Banarsi Lal.] on very friendly terms with Banarsi Lal, it
is alleged that the two quarrelled during the
non-co-operation days because Banarsi Lal
appropriated some European cloth which had been sent to the
Congress Office at Shahjahanpur by one Kunwar Indar Bikram
Singh to be burnt. The witnesses to prove this are Ayub Ahmad
Sabar, Editor of the Sitara (D. W. 13) who admits a conviction
10 under section 124A I. P. C. for writing a seditious poem, and
Muhammad Mujtaba Hasan Khan (D. W. 15) a "teacher of theology
and student of Urani medicine." There are several reasons for
distrusting this story. The first witness says that he was secretary
of the Congress office at the time; the second says that Banarsi Lal
was secretary and that he remained secretary afterwards. Second-
ly Kunwar Indar Bikram Singh himself made no complaint and
apparently knew nothing about the matter nor did it come before
the Congress committee. Thirdly—and this seems conclusive—the
incident is stated to have taken place in the hot weather of either
20 1922 or 1923, yet we find Ashfaqullah writing a friendly letter to
Banarsi Lal (Ex. P. 15) on the 11th December 1923; and the still
more friendly letter Ex. P. 14 was probably written after that
date. It may also be noted that in his statement in court Ashfaq-
ullah says nothing about quarrelling with Banarsi Lal. In the O. P. 162.
Magistrate's court he did not mention the story of the cloth at
all. In this court he only said that he had heard that Banarsi Lal
had misused some foreign cloth. Banarsi Lal was not cross-exam-
ined by Ashfaqullah's counsel on this point. In answer to Bakshi's
counsel he admitted that some clothes for burning were deposited
30 at his house but denied that his honesty in the matter had ever
been called in question.
113. The main argument advanced on behalf of Ashfaqullah
relates to his identification. It is asked why
[Arguments for Ashfaqullah. 1. Identification. (a) History of his photograph.] so many witnesses identified him; while so
few (comparatively) identified Bakshi and it
is contended that his photograph must have
been shown to them or he must have been
described to them beforehand. The complaint is also made on his
behalf that he was not given a fair chance, that he had no one to
40 represent or assist him at the proceedings and that the men parad-
ed with him were unsuitable for the purpose.
The answer given by the counsel for the Crown to the ques-
tion why so many witnesses identified him is that he is of some-
what striking and unusual appearance, being powerfully built and
good looking, and that if; as the prosecution witnesses suggest, he
played a leading part in each dacoity, it is natural that the atten-
tion of the witnesses should have been specially directed towards

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him. This answer appears to be satisfactory as far as it goes,
that is to say unless and until the defence can show that other, less
innocent, reasons existed for his identification.
As much has been said about the possibility of the photograph
O. P. 163. which was found at Delhi being shown to the witnesses I must
sketch, as briefly as possible, the history of this photograph from
the date of its discovery to the date of the identification proceed-
ings. I note first of all, however, that little or nothing has been
said about the photograph of Banarsi and Ashfaqullah (Ex. P 28)
which was found with Banarsi a year before, though it is obvious 10
that if the police had wished to assist the identifying witnesses
they could have done so quite as easily by showing them this photo-
graph as by showing them the other one, if not more easily. The
reason why the defence have concentrated on the later photograph
appears to be that Ashfaqullah himself, possibly not knowing that
the other one had been found a year before, displayed anxiety
about it soon after his arrest and complained in his statement to
the court about the way in which it had been kept.
In view of the indications given by Ashfaqullah that he
intended to make the most of this photograph a large number of 20
witnesses were brought from Delhi to show exactly what happened
to it. The photograph (Ex. P. A. 37) was found in Ashfaqullah's
box. The box had been sealed up on the 8th September when
Ashfaqullah was arrested and was taken the next day by the
Deputy Superintendent, Khan Bahadur Hakim Ikram-ul-Haq, who
had arrested Ashfaqullah, to the magistrate, Saiyid Ghulam
Mustafa Shah (P. W. 118) to prepare a list of its contents. Ashfaq-
ullah says that he asked the magistrate to destroy it but the
evidence of the Deputy Superintendent and the magistrate shows
that he did not make any such request until the 13th. The 30
police did not at first pay much attention to the photograph as
it was not a very good likeness; indeed they appear to have
been doubtful whether it was Ashfaqullah's photograph. His
O. P. 164. letter to his sister found in his possession (Ex. P. A. 6) shows
that he intended to send the photograph to her at the first
opportunity, "although it is very dim. If I get an opportunity
I will send you a good photo". When on the 13th, Ashfaqullah
for the first time displayed anxiety about the photograph the
Deputy Superintendent told him that it had been put back into
the box, the key of which had been kept by him. He also assu- 40
red him that no undue advantage would be taken of it. The box was
kept in the police malkhana. It is clear from this evidence that
the photograph was not sent to Lucknow and shown to the
witnesses between the 9th and 13th September. On the 13th
September, Mr. Horton arrived at Delhi and wanted to see some of
the things found with Ashfaqullah. Khan Bahadur Tasadduq Husain,
Deputy Superintendent attached to the office of the Director of

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Criminal Intelligence came to the malkhana on this date, exa-
mined the list of articles in the box and took away certain of
them. Ex. P. A. 40 shows what things were taken by him and
what were not. The photograph was not taken. On this date
the photograph was placed in a sealed cover by Sub-Inspector
Sirajul Haq (P. W. 120). On the 14th the Deputy Superintendent,
Khán Bahadur Ikramul Haq, sent for the cover to see that it had
been properly sealed and finding that it was, returned it to the
malkhana by sub-inspector Sirajul Haq. He brought the cover to
10 Lucknow on the 30th October in the same condition as it was in on
the 14th September. Ex. P. A, 42-49 are various police reports re-
lating to this box and photograph. They support the evidence of
the witnesses named above, as does also the evidence of various
head constables which it is unnecessary to narrate in detail. It is
sufficient to say that the evidence proves conclusively that the
photograph was locked up in the box from the 8th to the 13th
September and that from the 13th September to the 30th Octo- O. P. 165.
ber it remained at Delhi in a sealed cover. The identification
proceedings of Ashfaqullah took place at Lucknow on the 28th
20 September.
114. As regards the other allegations made by or on behalf
(b) Identification proceed- of Ashfaqullah the evidence of the committing
magistrate, Khan Saheb Saiyid Ainuddin (P.
W. 17) is important. This shows that the ma-
gistrate arrived at Delhi on the 27th September for the purpose of
conveying him to Lucknow. Before leaving the jail he told
Ashfaqullah to keep his features concealed as there would be identi-
fication proceedings. Ashfaqullah was taken to the station in a
closed lorry and he and the magistrate travelled to Lucknow in a
30 reserved second class carriage, the blinds of which were drawn.
From Lucknow station to the Central Jail he was taken part of the
way in a closed hackney carriage and the remainder of the way in
a lorry. At all railway stations his face was covered and he wore
a pair of black glasses. Ex. P. A. 51 is the note recorded about
this journey by the magistrate.
At Lucknow Saiyid Ainuddin received a letter from the
Public Prosecutor C. I. D. informing him that the identifying
witnesses were all waiting at the house of another magistrate.
Leaving Ashfaqullah at the Central Jail Saiyid Ainuddin went to
40 the house of this magistrate and saw the witnesses. He then went
home, returned in the afternoon and had all the witnesses taken
to the jail in two motor lorries. Ex. P. A. 50 is the magistrate's
record of the identification proceedings. On arriving at the Jail
in the morning he had asked the jailor to have some Pathan con-
victs resembling Ashfaqullah waiting for him. Ashfaqullah asked
that some outsiders, that is non-residents of the jail, might be
paraded with him but the magistrate was unable to arrange

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O. P. 166. this. The reason was that in the main case Mr. Mitra of the
Associated Press had arranged for the presence of some outsiders
and the accused in that case had made serious allegations against
Mr. Mitra and other sympathisers. Consequently nobody would
come forward to help Ashfaqullah (or Bakshi) in the same way.
The note recorded by the magistrate (Ex. P. A. 50) shows that five
other men were paraded with Ashfaqullah. All, including Ashfaq-
ullah, wore convict's dress. The frontier convicts, whom the magis-
trate considered himself fortunate to obtain for the purpose,
resembled Ashfaqullah in features "and had hair on the head and 10
moustaches and beard like him. Even their colour was similar to
his and also to a more or less extent their height". Before the
proceedings started Ashfaqullah again complained about his photo-
graph. The following passage from the note is also important in
view of the allegations made by Ashfaqullah:—"Ashfaqullah having
black nail on his left foot thumb I allowed him to conceal it by
placing a red cap over his feet and this was done by all the
men mixed up with him. At his own request I allowed him to take
off his own clothes and put on convict's dress............All the
five men mixed with him had exactly similar dress. They had small 20
beard like him and were Mohammadan Pathans having small beard
and moustache. After the proceedings were over Ashfaqullah
showed me a dim wart on his left temple. He never brought this
fact to my notice as he had done with the black nail. As it is no
witness ever had a look at his or any one else's temple or at
their feet. They looked straight into their faces and identified him
without any hesitation in a natural manner".
As regards the complaint that the magistrate did not arrange
for Ashfaqullah to be legally represented at the proceedings
O. P. 167 the magistrate's evidence shows that he told Ashfaqullah's brother 30
Riyasatullah on the Delhi railway station that he was taking him
to Lucknow and that he should also come to look after his inter-
ests. He informed the vakils for some of the accused in the main
case when identification proceedings would take place, because
they had made a written request to that effect. There was no
such request in Ashfaqullah's case. Ashfaqullah had been under
arrest for three weeks before the proceedings and his relatives
could have made arrangements for him to be legally represented
if they had wished to. They were able to engage a vakil for him
in the magistrate's court, although their means were insufficient to 40
retain him in this court, for which reason Ashfaqullah has been
defended in this court at Government expense. But the magistrate
was under no obligation of any kind to arrange for his legal repre-
sentation at the identification proceedings; it is by no means the us-
ual course for an accused to be represented at such proceedings, and
I see no reason whatever to think that the case of the accused has
been in any way prejudiced by the absence of a legal representa-
tive. Nor do I see any reason to think that the police have taken

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an unfair advantage in any way, either by showing the witnesses
one of his photographs or by describing him to them. The pre-
cautions taken by the police to prevent the possibility of the
witnesses seeing him beforehand (and also the possibility of this
allegation being made) were of a most elaborate nature and there
is nothing which suggests bad faith on the part of anyone con-
cerned.
10 115. The other arguments advanced on behalf of Ashfaqullah
can be disposed of more briefly. It has been
(ii) Other arguments. contended in the first place that the whole
trial is vitiated by the fact that the committing magistrate took O. P. 168.
part in the inquiry, in particular by his conducting the identification
proceedings and by accompanying Banarsi Lal to Bichpuri. No
authority whatever has been quoted in support of this contention
and it is in my opinion without any force. On the other side it is
pointed out that under the explanation to section 556 of the Code of
Criminal Procedure no magistrate is personally interested in a case
20 within the meaning of the section by reason only that he has
viewed the place in which an offence is alleged to have been com-
mitted and made an inquiry in connection with the case. As the
proceedings before the magistrate are in the nature of an enquiry
and are not part of the actual trial it is, I think, clear that there
can be no valid objection to the magistrate taking part in the
inquiry before the case comes into his court by conducting iden-
tification proceedings and verifying a confession. Secondly it is
pointed out that none of the documents found with Ashfaqullah
directly connect him with the conspiracy; neither the white nor
30 the yellow leaflet was found with him; and a not very success-
ful attempt has been made to put an innocent construction on
the letters and papers found in his possession or written by
him I need not explain in detail how his counsel has attempted
to explain those passages which prima facie are of an incrimi-
nating nature; it is sufficient to say that I have found his
interpretations far from convincing.
Other points brought to my notice by the defence counsel
are, comparatively speaking, unimportant and can have little
effect on one's general views about the case. It is, for instance,
40 pointed out that Banarsi Lal has not been quite consistent in
his story about the visit of Jogesh Chander Chatterji to Shah-
jahanpur, as to how and where he first met him. It is also
pointed out that he has not been consistent in his story about the O. P. 169.
badmashes who took part in the Bichpuri dacoity. In his confes-
sion he said that they joined the party at Shahbaznagar while in his
statement to the court he suggested that they joined the party at
Sherganj. If the passages are closely examined, however; I think
it will be seen that they are not necessarily discrepant. He saw the

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badmashes first of all at Sherganj but they may have got in the
train at Shahbaznagar and he may have learnt afterwards that
they did so. He was not cross-examined on the point. Then it is
argued that Banarsi Lal only mentioned the "chadar" which had
been left behind in the brake-van by the Kakori dacoits with a
view to having this part of his confession corroborated by the evi-
dence of the guard. The answer to this is that nobody would be
likely to trouble about corroboration on such a small point when
ample corroboration was forthcoming for the more important
details of his confession. Finally it is suggested that it was absurd 10
that Ram Prasad should ask Indu Bhushan to collect information
about officials and wealthy people when he must have known much
more about them himself. This implies that Ram Prasad asked
for the information because he really required it; it seems to me
much more likely that he asked Indu Bhushan to obtain the infor-
mation because Indu Bhushan was importuning him for work and
he wished to humour him, and also possibly because he thought it
would be good training for him.

DATA BASE COMPLETED
काकोरी काण्ड के विशेष सन्दर्भ में अशफाक उल्ला खाँ
का व्यक्तित्व एवं कर्तृत्व-एक ऐतिहासिक अध्ययन
(1900 - 1927)
लखनऊ विश्वविद्यालय की पी.एच.डी. (इतिहास)
उपाधि हेतु प्रस्तुत शोध-प्रबन्ध
निर्देशक
प्रो. अनिल कुमार मिश्र
मध्यकालीन एवं आधुनिक भारतीय इतिहास विभाग
लखनऊ विश्वविद्यालय
लखनऊ
अनुसंधात्री
मनीषा तिवारी
TAGORE LIBRARY * LUCKNOW UNIVERSITY *
LIGHT AND LEARNING / UNIVERSITY OF LUCKNOW
मध्यकालीन एवं आधुनिक भारतीय इतिहास विभाग
लखनऊ विश्वविद्यालय
लखनऊ
2007-08

RH
954.035
M30K
459860
[मुद्रा / Stamp: TAGORE LIBRARY * LUCKNOW UNIVERSITY]

अध्याय-दस

अध्याय-दस
उपसंहार
अशफाक उल्ला खाँ का जीवन साम्प्रदायिक एकता और देश को
स्वतंत्र करने की मानसिकता में बीता। यही कारण था कि वे एक आदर्श
युवा की भाँति युवाओं में प्रेरणा के स्तम्भ बने रहे। अशफाक के बलिदान
के बाद तमाम प्रतिक्रियाएं हुई और अशफाक की भरपूर सूचना ली गयी।
वे मिसाल बन गये। यह बात और है कि अशफाक की फाँसी से युवा
वर्ग निराश जरूर हुआ लेकिन वहीं वह ऊर्जा को भरकर नये भारत की
कल्पना में आ गया।
क्रांतिकारियों को फाँसी की सजा से निराशा व क्षोभ तो हुआ और
इसे बनारस से प्रकाशित होने वाले दैनिक समाचार पत्र ने जनता की इस
असहाय स्थिति पर खेद भी प्रकट किया। इलाहाबाद से प्रकाशित पत्रिका
'चाँद' (नवम्बर 1928) अंक फाँसी विशेषांक के रूप में निकला।¹
अखिल भारतीय कांग्रेस ने अपने अधिवेशन में सरकार की तीव्र
आलोचना की कि उसने जनता की भावनाओं की उपेक्षा करके
क्रांतिकारियों को फाँसी की सजा दी। क्रांतिकारियों के परिवार के प्रति
कांग्रेस ने अपनी सहानुभूति प्रदान की।²
अशफाक उल्ला खाँ अपने खानदान पर लगे दाग धो देना चाहते
थे और उन्होंने अपने कृतित्व से यह दाग धो भी डाला। अशफाक का
प्रारम्भिक जीवन सिर्फ खेलकूद में ही नहीं वरन् देश की चिन्ता और आम
लोगों को शोषण से निजात दिलाने के वैचारिक मंथन में बीता। वे हमेशा
धीर-गम्भीर बने रहते और कभी अपनी सुन्दरता और देह बल का
अभिमान न करते।

1. स्वतंत्रता आन्दोलन में जनपद शाहजहाँपुर का योगदान-डॉ०एन.सी. मेहरोत्रा पृष्ठ144
2. दि हिस्ट्री ऑफ दि इंडियन नेशनल काँग्रेस, भाग-एक-पृष्ठ 540, पट्टाभि
   सीतारमैया
   193

हाँ इतना अवश्य था कि उन्हें अपने बल पर विश्वास था। खुद के
विचारों में स्वस्थ मानसिकता बना लेना अशफाक की खूबी थी। देश के
सशस्त्र क्रांति के प्रयास में अपने जीवन की आहुति देने वाले अशफाक
उल्ला खाँ ने जब क्रांतिकारी आन्दोलन में प्रवेश किया तो वे छात्र ही थे।
फाँसी के समय उनकी उम्र मात्र 27 वर्ष की थी। अशफाक का क्रांतिकारी
जीवन लगभग सात वर्ष का रहा और इतने ही अल्पकाल में वे देश की
राजनीति और समाज की धड़कन से परिचित हो गये थे। अशफाक उल्ला
खाँ सिर्फ एक सिपाही ही नहीं थे कि लड़े और मृत्यु को प्राप्त हो गये।
वे हमारे समय के क्रांतिकारियों में प्रखर चिन्तक के रूप में भी हमारे बीच
उपस्थित होते हैं। उनकी कविताएँ एवं उनके वैचारिक लेख और राष्ट्र के
नाम संदेश तथा उनके द्वारा लिखे गये पत्रों से स्पष्ट हो जाता है कि वे
किस हद तक वैचारिक धरातल पर दृढ़ थे। यह स्पष्ट है कि क्रांतिकारी
गतिविधियों, फरारी जीवन, जेल की जिन्दगी में से ऐसा समय ही नहीं
मिला कि वे बाकायदा अपने विचार लिपिबद्ध कर पाते।
इन्ही में से समय निकाल कर जो उन्होंने लिखा है वह बहुत थोड़ा
है, जिसे पढ़कर लगता है कि वे चाहते हुए भी अपने सोचे हुए को कागज
पर उतार नही सके। वे बहुत कुछ लिखना चाहते थे, वे बच्चों के लिए
पुस्तकों की रचना करना चाहते थे, उन्हें भावी पीढ़ी की बहुत चिन्ता थी,
लेकिन उनकी इच्छा अधूरी रह गयी। उनके लिखे पत्रों, कविताओं और
डायरी में लिखे अंशों से हमें उनके जीवन के बारे में महत्वपूर्ण जानकारी
मिलती हैं।
देश की स्वतंत्रता और हिन्दू मुस्लिम एकता के लिए शहीद होने वाले
अशफाक ने फाँसी से पहले अपनी डायरी में हिन्दुस्तान का नक्शा भी
बनाया था और देखने से लगता है कि वे खूब रोये थे। सुनने-देखने में
यह भी आता है कि आँसुओं के निशान अभी तक ज्यों के त्यों हैं।
194

आज भी देश के नाम उनका संदेश प्रासंगिक है। उनकी कविताएं
हमें एक सूत्र में बाँधती हैं।
न कोई इंगलिश, न कोई जर्मन,
न कोई रशियन, न कोई तुर्की।
मिटाने वाले है अपने हिंदी,
जो आज हमको मिटा रहे हैं।
यह कहना सर्वथा गलत है कि क्रांतिकारियों के पास कोई विचार
नहीं था। अपने संदेश में अशफाक ने स्पष्ट कहा है कि वे किस तरह की
आज़ादी चाहते हैं। अशफाक की कल्पना समाजवादी थी, जहाँ कोई ऊंच
है न नीच। अशफाक ने किसान, मजदूरों की तरक्की की बात भी कही।
वे कारखानों और गांवों में लोगों के बीच जमकर काम करने में विश्वास
रखते थे। अशफाक शोषण के कारणों की बात करते है और उसके
खिलाफ जंग लड़ने की बात करते हैं।
देश वासियों के नाम भेजा गया संदेश
"बिरादराने वतन की खिदमत में उनके उस भाई का सलाम पहुँचे
जो उनकी इज्जत व नामू से वतन की खातिर फैजाबाद जेल में कुर्बान हो
गया। आज जबकि मैं यह पैगाम बिरादराने वतन को भेज रहा हूँ, इसके
बाद मुझको तीन दिन और चार रातें और गुजारनी हैं और फिर मैं हूँगा
और आगोशे मादी वतन होगा। हम लोगों पर जो जुर्म लगाये गये थे
वह इस सूरत में पब्लिक में लाए गये कि हमको बहुत से लोग
गेरेताली मयाफ्ता या हुकूमत के दस्तरख्वान की पसेखुर्दा हड्डियाँ चचोड़ने
वाले थे, डाकू, खूनी, कातिल के लकब से पुकारा किए। मैं आज इस
फाँसी की कोठरी में बैठा हुआ भी खुश हूँ और अपने उन भाइयों का
शुक्रिया अदा करता हूँ। और कहूँगा -
195

मर मिटा आप पै कौन! आपने यह भी सुना,
आपकी जान से दूर! आप से शिकवा है मुझे।
खैर यह तुम्हारा फैल है कि हमारी कुर्बानियों को कबूल न करो
और यह हमारा फर्ज है कि बार-बार ठुकराओ मगर हम तुम्हारा ही दम
भरे जायेंगे। बिरादराने वतन, मैं उसी पाक व मुकद्दस वतन ही की
कसम खाकर कहूँगा कि हम नंगे नामूसे वतन पर कुर्बान हो गए। क्या
यह शर्म की बात नहीं कि हम अपनी आँखों से देखते कि नित नए
मुज़ालिम हो रहे है और गरीब हिन्दुस्तानी हर हिस्साये मुल्क और
खित्तयेदुनिया में जलील और रुसवा हो रहे हैं और कहीं न ठिकाना है
न सहारा। किस्सा मुख्तसर ये कि हमारा वतन भी हमारा नहीं। हम पर
टैक्स की भरमार, हमारी माली हालत का रोज बरोज गिरते जाना, 33
करोड़ बहादुर हिन्दुस्तानी हिन्दू और मुसलमान भेड़-बकरियों की मानिंद
बनाए गए। हमारे गोरे आका हमें ठोकरे मार दें तो बाज-पुर्स न हो।
जनरल डायर जलियावाला बाग को नमूनये हशर बना दे। हमारी माताओं
की बेइज्जती करें। हमारे बूढ़ों और बच्चों पर बम के गोले, गन-मशीनों
की गोलियाँ बरसाएं और हर नया दिन हमारे लिए नई मुसीबते लेकर
आए। फिर भी हम बादये गफलत रहें और ऐशो-इशरत में अय्यायें- जवानी
गुजार देते। यह ख्याल करके -
जनूने हुब्बे वतन का मजा/शबाब में हैं,
लहू में फिर यह रवानी रहे/रहे न रहे।
जो भी किया, भला किया, आज हम नाकाम रहे, डाकू हैं।
कामायाब होते मुहिब्बते वतन के पाक लकब से पुकारे जाते। और जो भी
आज हम पर झूठी गवाहियाँ दे गए, हमारे नाम के जयकारे लगाते -
बहे बहरे फना में जल्द/यारब लाश बिस्मिल की,
196

कि भूखी मछलियाँ हैं/जौहरे शमशीरे कातिल की।
आह! क्या ऐसे दौर की जिन्दगी प्यारी ख्याल की जा सकती है।
जबकि हमारे ही गिरोह-सियासी में खलफिशार मचा है। कोई तबलीग का
दिलददा है, जो कोई शुद्धि पर मर मिटने को बाइसेनिजात समझ रहा है।
मुझे तो रह-रहकर इन दिमागों और अक्लों पर तरस आ रहा है जो कि
बेहतरीन दिमाग हैं और माहरीने सियासत हैं। काश कि वह अज़ादिए
मिस्र की जद्दोजहद एहरारान मिस्र के कारनामें और बर्तानवी सियासी
चाले स्टडी कर लें और हमारे हिन्दुस्तान की मौजूदा हालत से मुकाबिला
व मवाज़ना करें, क्या ठीक वही हाल इस वक्त नहीं है। गवर्नमेंट के
खुफिया एजेन्ट प्रोपेगेंडा मजहबी बुनियाद पर फैला रहे हैं। इन लोगों का
मकसद मजहब की हिफाजत या तरक्की नहीं है बल्कि चलती गाड़ी में
रोड़ा अटकाना है। मेरे पास वक्त नहीं है न मौका है कि सब कच्चा
चिट्ठा खोलकर रख देता जो मुझे अय्यामे फरारी में और उसके बाद
मालूम हुआ है। यहाँ तक मुझे मालूम है कि मौलवी नियामतुल्ला
कादियानी कौन था कि काबुल में संगसार किया था। वह ब्रिटिश एजेन्ट
था। जिसके पास हमारे करमफरमा खान बहादुर, तसद्दुम हुसैन साहब
डिप्टी सुपरिटेंडेन्ट सी०आई०डी० गवर्नमेंट ऑफ इण्डिया पैगाम लेकर गए थे
मगर बेदारमगज हुकूमत काबुल ने इलाज जल्द कर दिया और मर्ज को
फैलने न दिया। मैं अपने हिन्दुओं और मुसलमान भाइयों को बता देना
चाहता हूँ कि सब ढोंग हैं, जो सी०आई०डी० के खुफिया खजाने के रूपये
से रचा गया है। मैं मर रहा हूँ और वतन पर मर रहा हूँ। मेरा फर्ज है
कि हर नेको बद बात भाइयों तक पहुंचा दूँ। मानना न मानना उनका
काम है। मुल्क के बड़े-बड़े लोग इससे बचे हुए नहीं हैं। बस आवाम को
आँखे खोलकर इत्तबा करना चाहिए।
197

भाइयों! तुम्हारी खानाजंगी तुम्हारी आपस में फूट, तुम दोनों में से
किसी के भी सूदमंद साबित न होगी। यह गैर मुमकिन है कि 7 करोड़
मुसलमान शुद्ध हो जाएँ और वैसे ही यह भी महमल-सी बात है कि 22
करोड़ हिन्दू मुसलमान बना लिए जाएं। मगर हाँ यह आसान है और
बिल्कुल आसान है कि यह सब मिलकर गुलामी का तौक गले में डाल
लें। ऐ वह कौम जिसका कोई कौमी झंडा नहीं-ऐ वह कि तेरा वतन मेरा
वतन नहीं-ऐ कि दूसरों की तरफ हाथ फैलाए हुए रहम की दरख्वास्त पर
नजर रखनेवाली बेकस कौम तेरी अपनी गलतियों का यही नतीजा है कि
आज तू गुलाम है और फिर वही गलतियाँ कर रही है कि आने वाली
नस्लों के लिए धब्बा गुलामी का छोड़ जाएगी कि जो भी सर जमीने हिन्द
पर कदम रखेगा, गुलामी में रखेगा और गुलाम बनाएगा। ऐ खुदावंदे
कुद्दूस क्या कोई ऐसा सबेरा नहीं आयेगा कि जिस सुबह को तेरा
आफताब आजाद हिन्दुस्तान पर चमके और फिजाए हिन्द आजादी के नारों
से गूँज उठे। कांग्रेस वाले हों कि सौराजिस्ट तलबीगवाले हो कि
शुद्धीवाले, कम्युनिस्ट हो कि रिवोल्यूशनरी, अकाली हो कि बंगाली, मेरा
पयाम हर फरजंदेवतन को पहुँचे। मैं हर शख्स को उसकी इज्जत व
मज़हब का वास्ता देता हूँ। अगर वह मजहब का कायल नहीं तो उसके
जमीर को और जिसको भी वह मानता हो, अपील करता हूँ कि हर
काकोरी केस के मर जाने वाले नौजवानों पर तरस खाओ। और फिर
हिन्दुस्तान को सन् 20 व 21 वाला हिन्दुस्तान बना दो। फिर अहमदाबाद
कांग्रेस जैसा इत्तिहाद इत्तिफाक का नजारा सामने हो। बल्कि उससे
बढ़कर हो और मुकम्मल आजादी का जल्द-से-जल्द ऐलान करके इन गोरे
आकाओं को हटा दो कि ये अब केंचुली उतार चुके हैं और अब वह किसी
मंत्र से बस में न होंगे-तबलीग व शुद्धी वालो खुदारा-आरखें खोलो, कहाँ
थे और कहाँ पहुँच गये, अपनी-अपनी शान खत्म करो, सोचो तो मजहब
में जबरदस्ती इखतिलाफे राय पर जंग, एक काम नामुकम्मल छोड़कर
दूसरी तरफ रूजू हो गये।
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